和大多数外交政策专家一样，我对俄罗斯吞并克里米亚、不断对乌克兰东部实行“软侵略”的行为感到大为震惊。这种赤裸裸的侵占领土行径竟然发生在21世纪？ 但让人意外的不只是俄罗斯。如果你关注过德国国内关于乌克兰危机的讨论，你会看到另一种奇怪景象：大批退休政客和公众人物在电视上为俄罗斯辩护。 根据这些大人物——包括前总理格哈德•施罗德、赫尔穆特•施密特——的说法，北约和欧盟才是真正的侵略者，因为他们胆敢东扩着莫斯科的合法利益区域。德国部分民众也认同这一看法。 你以为德国人是国际法和世界文明秩序的拥护者？且慢。 他们是公然的伪善者。这批人曾运用国际法来指责美国侵略伊拉克，现在摇身一变，成为现实主义者，为俄罗斯侵略他国找借口。 实际上，布什政府虽然捏造了伊拉克的罪名，但至少手握16次联合国安理会决议撑腰。弗拉基米尔•V.普京，这位俄罗斯总统，却连一个都没有。前后两次迥然不同的立场，唯一的共同点是反美。 有些亲俄情绪是俄罗斯宣传工作的成果：《世界报》周日版的调查报道发现，俄罗斯支持者的隐秘网络勾勒了德国公共话语的格局。连德国政府赞助的德俄对话论坛也充斥着普京的朋友们——甚至来自德国这一边。 但德国普通民众中间还隐藏着一股潜流，试图复兴令人难堪的德国传统。我们总以为德国是西欧国家，但这很大程度上是冷战盟友的产物。在这之前，东、西德之间存在很大一条裂痕。 冷战结束距今已有25年，德国社会大可以再度脱离西方。Infratest/dimap（德国最大的民调机构——观察者网注）上月调查显示，49%的德国人表示希望本国在乌克兰问题上持中间立场，既不站在西方一边，也不站在俄罗斯一边，仅45%的德国人坚定支持西方阵营。 政治光谱的两极都有反西方情绪。左翼本能地反美，只要谁挑战世界格局和西方领先地位，就站在谁一边。 欧洲的民粹主义右翼则认同俄罗斯的宣传，认为欧洲太“娘炮”、太宽容、道德沦丧、不够“基督教”，欢迎独裁领袖撼动欧洲软趴趴的多边主义。 你可以发现，反对欧元的“再造德国”党最能体现德国的这种思想趋势。他们把德国思想拉回19世纪，憎恶西方文明，将未受西方价值观和自由资本主义污染的俄罗斯文明加以浪漫化。 这两种反西方情绪都已持续数十年，但一直处于政治末流。如今，他们的思想被部分社会精英和政客所接受。再加上德国企业对俄罗斯的大笔投资，导致原本强烈亲西方的默克尔政府束手束脚。 左右两边的政客都忽略了夹在德国与俄罗斯之间的居民的命运，以及德国过往的历史。 有些人会说，他们对俄罗斯的同情来源于二战时纳粹暴行的负罪感。但我们不能忘了，是德国首先从西面侵略了波兰，几天后，苏联才从东面进攻，双方秘密商定分裂东欧。 德国名流向俄罗斯意识形态鹦鹉学舌，斥责乌克兰“不再是像样的国家”，或者把夹在西方与俄罗斯之间的国家都当作二等民族、主权不完整。这让人想起东欧的悲惨历史，纳粹和苏联独裁者将这篇土地变成“血泊”。 数十年来，德国试图理解纳粹历史，并从中吸取教训。现在另一个国家迎来独裁领袖，试图用民族主义情绪煽动的侵略行为来维护政权稳定。 任何一个知道纳粹历史的人都能够明辨是非，而不是为俄罗斯人找借口。我的许多同胞没能通过这一关。 话说回来，最近一项调查显示60%的德国人称，希望本国支持西方在乌克兰危机期间的立场。俄罗斯尚未停息的侵略行为总算对民意产生了一点影响。不过，这表明仍有近半数德国人对西方国家和西方价值观没有多少情结——这正中普京下怀。 （本文2014年5月6日原刊《纽约时报》国际版，原标题Why Germans Love Russia.） Why Germans Love Russia MAY 5, 2014 Clemens Wergin BERLIN — Like most foreign-policy experts, I was shocked by Russia’s annexation of Crimea and its continuing “soft invasion” of eastern Ukraine. Can such a naked land grab really be happening now, in 21st-century Europe? But Russia’s actions were not the only surprise. If you have followed the German debate about the Ukraine crisis, you have witnessed another strange phenomenon: a parade of former politicians and public figures going on TV to make the case for Russia. According to these august figures — including former Chancellors Gerhard Schrder and Helmut Schmidt — NATO and the European Union were the real aggressors, because they dared to expand into territory that belonged to Moscow’s legitimate sphere of interest. And it seems part of the German public agrees. You thought that Germans were the champions of international law and a rules-based world order? Think again. There is a blatant hypocrisy here. At times the same people who had relied on international law to attack the American invasion of Iraq are now, as newborn realists, excusing Russia’s need to infringe on the sovereignty of other nations. In point of fact, despite its trumped-up charges against Iraq, the Bush administration had at least 16 United Nations Security Council resolutions to support its case. Vladimir V. Putin, Russia’s president, had zero. The only common denominator of both positions seems to be an underlying anti-Americanism. Some of this pro-Moscow sentiment is the work of Russia-sponsored propaganda: A recent investigative report by the newspaper Welt am Sonntag revealed how a shady network of Russia supporters has shaped public discourse in Germany. Even dialogue forums with Russia, co-sponsored by the German government, are full of friends of Mr. Putin, even on the German side. But there is also a disturbing undercurrent among ordinary Germans that harks back to old and unfortunate German traditions. We have come to think of Germany as a Western European country, but that is largely a product of Cold War alliances. Before then it occupied a precarious middle between east and west. Twenty-five years after the end of the Cold War, German society may well be drifting away from the West again. In a poll last month by Infratest/dimap, 49 percent of Germans said they wanted their country to take a middle position between the West and Russia in the Ukraine crisis, and only 45 percent wanted to be firmly in the Western camp. This anti-Westernism is coming from both sides of the political spectrum. There is the part of the left that is instinctively anti-American and takes the side of whatever international actor happens to challenge the status quo and the leading Western power. Then there is Europe’s populist right, which agrees with Russia’s propaganda that Europe has become too gay, too tolerant, too permissive in its morals and too un-Christian, and which welcomes an authoritarian leader challenging Europe’s fuzzy multilateralism. In Germany, you can find this current best represented by the new anti-euro Alternative für Deutschland Party. They take up a conservative strain of German thinking dating back to the 19th century, which harbors a resentment toward Western civilization and romanticizes a Russia seemingly uncorrupted by Western values and free-market capitalism. Both versions of anti-Westernism have been around for decades; until now, though, they have been confined to the political fringes. These days they are accepted by parts of the elite and sections of the political center. That, combined with the enormous investment by German companies in Russia, is placing constraints on how aggressively the government of Angela Merkel, Germany’s strongly pro-Western chancellor, can act against Russia. Continue reading the main story RECENT COMMENTS Michael MittermuellerYesterday The author Clemens Wergin suggested 28. Februar 2014 Ukraine should have kept their nuclear weapons. Sure ? Corruption destroyed the future... JJYesterday This is a great article, although it may slightly over-dramatize things. Since the end of the Cold War and Glasnost, Germany has lost its... pieceofcakeYesterday Or let me suspect - if there might be something German conservatives share with American conservatives - its a more simplistic view of the... SEE ALL COMMENTS What unites the apologists on the left and right is a striking disregard for the fate of the people who inhabit the lands between Germany and Russia, and a truncated notion of German history. Some apologists will explain their sympathy as a matter of debt to Russia for German atrocities during World War II. But it is important to remember that the war started with Germany invading Poland from the West — and a few days later the Soviet Union invading Poland from the East, after both sides had secretly agreed to split Eastern Europe between them. And so when German public figures, parroting Russian propaganda, dismiss Ukraine as “not a real country anyway,” or treat countries at the fault line between the West and Russia as second-class nations with somewhat lesser sovereignty, they are evoking memories in Eastern Europe of the bad old days, when the Nazis and Soviets turned the region into the “Bloodlands” of their respective dictatorships. For decades Germany has tried to come to terms with its fascist past and to learn important lessons from it. And now, in another country, there comes an authoritarian leader who is trying to stabilize his regime by pursuing aggression abroad on the grounds of ethnic nationalism. For anyone who has grappled with Germany’s Nazi past, it should have been easy to call right from wrong in this case, instead of finding excuses for Russia’s actions. It’s a test that too many of my compatriots have failed. To be fair, in a recent poll 60 percent of Germans said that their country should stand with the West in the Ukraine crisis. So Russia’s ongoing aggression is having some effect on public opinion. But that still means that nearly half of all Germans do not feel a deep connection with the West and its values — which is precisely what Mr. Putin wants. Clemens Wergin is the foreign editor of the German newspaper group Die Welt and the author of the blog Flatworld.
通过博主罗教明同志的博文“关于学术专制的个人观点和态度”，我才知道近期有位博主吴宝俊先生发表了名为 我来告诉你什么叫“学术专制” 的文章，看了之后，我觉得很无奈，我知道自己是一个无名小卒，并且还不是学物理专业的，不是博士，也不是教授，但我还是想能否在这里请教吴宝俊您这样的专家级的大人物几个问题：即您认为全中国 所有的BBS和论坛里，除了新水木清华的理论物理版，几乎没有人真正懂量子场论！ 那么，我想请教的是“据说爱因斯坦的相对论刚开始只有3个人能看懂，请问您认为到现在为止，国内外所有真正懂量子论的专家们其中真正搞懂相对论和迈克尔逊实验的人有多少呢？您或许会说，这个问题太幼稚，真正懂量子论就肯定真正懂相对论和迈克尔逊实验！那好，既然如此，我就想接着请教两个简单的问题：一个问题是，不管是相对论还是量子论都涉及到一个关键概念，即“空间维数”，在这里，我们不去比较欧几里得几何和黎曼几何和罗巴切夫斯基几何好坏，但至少有一点我们都很清楚，即对于一个一维直线坐标轴，无论该直线怎样无限延伸，位于二维或三维空间的点除去该一维直线上的点都始终在该一维直线坐标空间之外；同样，对于一个二维平面直角坐标系，无论该平面怎样无限延伸，位于三维空间的点除了该二维平面上的点也都始终在该二维平面坐标空间之外；现在，我很想知道的是，您以及国内外那些准相对论和量子论的专家们是如何解答“对于一个三维直角坐标系，当该三维平直空间向外无限延伸时，位于四维或四维以上空间的点究竟是在该三维直角坐标空间之内呢？还是在该三维直角坐标空间之外？”这个问题的。另一个问题是，不管是相对论和量子论的对与错，至少有一个问题他们都不能回避，即“地球和太阳以及与其它星球之间在宇宙空间里相对运动是客观的，但地球和太阳以及其它星球其中之一就其自身在宇宙空间里是运动的还是静止的？并且“迈克尔逊进行实验时，他凭什么会认为 光线在平行于地球运动方向和垂直地球运动方向上的传播速度是不同的？”， 这个问题可以引申至“假设 在空间里任意两个物体 A 和物体 B 之间的相对运动，那么这两个物体在空间里的状况是否存在以下四种：即要么物体 A 在空间里静止，物体 B 在空间里运动；要么物体 A 在空间里运动，物体 B 在空间里静止；要么物体 A 和物体 B 都在空间里运动；要么物体 A 和物体 B 都在空间里静止 ？ ”。 上述两个问题，如果您认为民科网上的人水平低，您可以转载到您知道的所谓的高水平的BBS上，我很想知道这些高水平的专家是如何回答上述两个问题的，谢谢！ 在这些准 相对论和量子论的专家们是否真正能讲清楚上述这两个问题的疑问下，我想最后发一些感想，即不管是民科还是官科， 对宇宙真理的追求是不服从任何权威的，因为 对宇宙真理的追求是人类共同的愿望，是没有错的，事实上，过去多数伟大的科学家在成为伟大的科学家之前并不是都是科班出身的，就连爱因斯坦在成为伟大的科学家之前也不过是一个小小的职员，他的相对论按当初的情形如果放到今天是不是也早被拒之门外呢？可是到现在，人类的科技进步了，难道思想却退步了呢？我很困惑， 人类一直都在致力于对宇宙中物体之间相互作用力的起源的探索，并且渴望能找到一个可以揭示宇宙奥秘的终极理论，这个理论在现在来讲，就是能包罗万象的统一力场的理论 (T 、 O 、 E) 。从万有引力定律到相对论，再到量子力学和弦理论，物理学家们所经历的每一次曲折和惊喜无不使人们对宇宙结构的认识不断地向前迈进。然而，当物理学家们到了快要揭开宇宙神秘面纱的时候，宇宙万物的底牌却好像变的越来越模糊不定了。直到现在，距离终极的理论似乎仍然还很遥远。人们不禁在问，宇宙究竟有没有终极定律？它最终能否被认识？笔者认为，答案应该是肯定的。问题在于，近代物理学在相对论这个以“光速不变”的一个未被客观证实的原理作为基本假设条件的理论的基础上所不断分支和发展是否让我们对宇宙的思考变得越来越复杂，越来越玄乎？而在过去，牛顿的经典力学之前，物理学定律最终追求的总是“简单”！ 以上是个人的观点和感想， 如有不妥，就当是本人所发的牢骚，请科学网将这篇博文删除，谢谢！ 周新力 邵阳学院
标签: 大人物
