（网络照片） 看了两遍电影《林肯》，一遍在电影院，一遍在飞机上。尽管我比较喜欢看动作片， 不用动脑子，让人放松，偶尔也会看一下比较深沉的电影。让我看两遍的电影很少，文革中的地雷战、地道战、白毛女不算，早年的有《少林寺》，最近的就是《林肯》了。这类电影虽然没有那么热闹，但可以长点见识。第一次看时没有背景知识，看得不明白。后来读了点东西，再看时就好多了。非常喜欢丹尼尔·戴-刘易斯的精湛表演，在灰暗、冷色的光影背景中，行动有点缓慢的林肯，用一种柔和的方式，去实现一个巨大的政治企图。他很好地诠释了林肯的特质：化敌为友，坚定而又不咄咄逼人，以及他的远见。这是我会第二遍去看这个电影的一个主要原因。 历史中的事情，现在很多都说不清了，即使美国这种没有什么历史的国度，也是如此，更不要说有几千年文明的中国。哪件事情曾经说清楚过？历史这个小姑娘，只好任人打扮。《林肯》中的各种政治把戏就不说了，科学网上最近数学是个热门话题，就说一下《林肯》中的欧氏几何。 《林肯》的一个核心场面，是在上图中那个空荡荡的电报房里，林肯和两个学工科的电报员在对话。那时林肯面对着一个政治决策，是否要邀请南方的和谈代表到白宫来，以达到立即停火的和平。但一旦和谈成功，废除奴役宪法十三号修正案，就可能会在众院搁浅。在这个决定历史的背景中，自学了些欧氏几何的林肯，在昏暗安静的电报房里，和两位年轻人有了下面这样些对话： “ 欧氏公理第一条是这样的：和同一个物体相等的两个物体相等 。这是一个数学推理法则。它是真实的，因为它管用 , 过去如此，将来也如此。欧几里德在他的书中说它是不言自明的。明白吧，在那本两千年前的有关机械规律的书中，就是这么说的。 和同一个物体相等的两个物体相等是 不言自明的真理。” 在这段台词中，英文中的“thing ” 是个很微妙的词。作为一个数学定律，它理应译成“量”： 和同一个量相等的两个量相等 。但在电影里的人话中，要是译成“量”有点不靠谱。 林肯讲完这段话后，修改了电文，没有邀请和谈代表来白宫，以强化在众院通过十三号修正案的力度。发出电文后，他缓缓走入一片昏暗中，背影慢慢暗淡下去，余音绕梁的一个镜头。拿流血的战争、或者说拿人命来赌宪法十三号修正案，这样的决定，不是容易做的。 电影剧本是 Tony Kushner 写的，作为现代人，他可以在自己的创作中，用电影中林肯的嘴巴来讲自己的话，所以电影里的事不能太当真。林肯自学了些 欧氏几何大概是有史据的。但 编剧的创作中，可以看出作者不是很了解 欧氏几何。那本两千年前的书，中文译为《几何原本》，最早的中文译本是1607年意大利传教士利玛窦和中国学者徐光启翻译的《原本》前六卷。这本书是关于几何、关于数学的规律，而不是关于机械的规律（mechanical law ）。隔行如隔山，细微之处见真章。 此外， 编剧显然想在这里和《独立宣言》中的那个著名的论述相联系： “ We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed. ” 这一段我翻译不出来，也不敢翻，照抄比较省事。欧氏几何的公理和独立宣言中的表述没有什么靠谱的关系，但我想观众能够理解，拍电影的人想传达一个概念：白人是人，黑人也是人，同是人的白人黑人“相等”。政治家讲逻辑的不多，看来还是讲一点比较好。就他们各自面对的议题来看，我个人的看法是，政治家的林肯可以和生物学家的达尔文相比较。 马克思是这样评价林肯的：“不为逆境之威而卑，不以成功之惑而亢，不懈追寻之努力，不急虚妄之妥协，步步为营，进而不复行；不随众拥而动，不为众兴而懈；仁心之闪烁，铸威严之行；幽默之莞尔，明黑暗之境；驭重任于虚怀与平常心，如天子事微以雷霆万钧; 一言以蔽之：奇人乃至伟人，未有泯灭良心。如斯大者善者之谦卑，叹其卒而后为天下视为英雄兮。” 老马，别在意我这老气横秋的翻译，怎么说才好，见面时再议。 截自： ： EUCLID’S ELEMENTS OF GEOMETRY -The Greek text ofJ.L. Heiberg (1883–1885) from Euclidis Elementa, edidit et Latine interpretatusest I.L. Heiberg, in aedibus B.G. Teubneri, 1883–1885; edited, and providedwith a modern English translation, by Richard Fitzpatrick (2007) 截自：兰纪正，朱恩宽译《几何原本》－ 2003山西科学技术出版社。 电影中林肯的对白： “Euclid's first common notion is this: Things which are equal to the same thing are equal to each other. That's a rule of mathematical reasoning. It's true because it works, has done and always will do. In his book, Euclid says this is self-evident. You see, there it is, even in that 2,000-year-old book of mechanical law. It is a self-evident truth that things which are equal to the same thing are equal to each other. ” 马克思对林肯的评语： “he was a man, neither to be browbeaten by adversity, nor intoxicated by success, inflexibly pressing on to his great goal, never compromising it by blind haste, slowly maturing his steps, never retracing them, carried away by no surge of popular favor, disheartened by no slackening of the popular pulse, tempering stern acts by the gleams of a kind heart, illuminating scenes dark with passion by the smile of humor, doing his titanic work as humbly and homely as Heaven-born rulers do little things with the grandiloquence of pomp andstate; in one word, one of the rare men who succeed in becoming great, without ceasing to be good. Such, indeed, was the modesty of this great and good man, that the world only discovered him a hero after he had fallen a martyr.”
美国第16任总统林肯说：“ You can fool some of the people all of the time, and all of the people some of the time, but you can not fool all of the people all of the time.” Abraham Lincoln , (attributed) 16th president of US (1809 - 1865) 推荐林垦这段话用于科学家的城市的座右铭！一名科学家一定要牢记林垦先生的这段话 同时，最好也要记住马克思的这段话： There is no royal road to science,and only those who do not dread the fatiguing climb of its steep paths have a chance of gaining its luminous summits Economic Manuscripts: Capital Vol. I - 1872 Preface 记住上述两段话让人能够认命，且会培养职业素养。
达尔文和林肯的共同之处 武夷山 2009 年 2 月 12 日是达尔文诞辰 200 周年，这一天出版的《自然》杂志发表社评 Humanity and Evolution （人类与进化），社评说： 达尔文和林肯的共同之处，不仅是同一天出生（ 1809 年 2 月 12 日），还体现在另外三个方面：都是少年丧母；都获得了不朽的英名；都对受奴役之苦的人群极其关怀。当时社会的主导观念是，不同种族生来不平等是正常的。林肯的废奴壮举大家都知道。达尔文也认为应该废除奴隶制，他的认识是：既然所有人都拥有共同祖先，并从那里逐渐进化到今天，那么，所有人都是兄弟。 原文如下（ http://www.nature.com/nature/journal/v457/n7231/full/457763a.html ）： Editorial Nature 457 , 763-764 (12 February 2009) | doi:10.1038/457763a ; Published online 11 February 2009 Humanity and evolution See associated Correspondence: Kutschera, Nature 458 , 967 (April 2009) Top of page Abstract Charles Darwin's thinking about the natural world was profoundly influenced by his revulsion for slavery. Although history is not made entirely, or even mostly, by prominent men and women, two great exceptions to that rule were born exactly 200 years ago today, on 12 February 1809: Charles Darwin and Abraham Lincoln. These men shared more than just a birthday, the loss of a mother in childhood and a date with immortality. They shared a position on one of the great issues of their age: the 'peculiar and powerful interest' of their fellow humans bound in slavery. When he circled the world in the 1830s, Darwin's delight at our planet's natural riches was repeatedly poisoned by the cruelties he saw meted out to slaves. "I thank God, I shall never again visit a slave-country," he wrote at the end of the Voyage of the Beagle . A new historical study, Darwin's Sacred Cause by Adrian Desmond and James Moore (see page 792 ), seeks to unite Darwin's revulsion at slavery with his scientific work. It was common at the time to believe that the different races of men had been created separate and unequal. But the abolitionist beliefs that Darwin derived from his family, friends and social setting strongly disposed him to the idea that all men — Englishman and Hottentot, freeman and slave — were brothers united in shared ancestry. The ability to see that unity-in-variety was, Desmond and Moore argue, one of the things that allowed him to perceive something similar in the natural world as a whole. As Darwin wrote in an 1838 notebook, "I cannot help thinking good analogy might be traced between relationship of all men now living the classification of animals." When Darwin sketched life's common descent as a family tree, it was because he believed in a family tree for humans — a belief in common kinship that was not a disinterested scientific finding, but rather an expression of moral and political persuasion. Darwin's thought always extended beyond the natural world. His ideas always had, and were meant to have, a social dimension. Lessons from history For all Darwin's noble ambitions, the century and a half since On the Origin of Species have shown how easily his image of a fiercely competitive world can be used to bolster pre-existing positions of power and privilege with buttresses of support that seem founded in an impartial consideration of the natural world. The history of arguments about humanity based on biology — both Darwin's biology and that of others who have come after — provides a sorry rehearsal of pretexts and apologias for everything from unthinking prejudice to forced sterilization and genocide (see page 786 ). This history counsels caution as ever deeper and subtler forays into the science of human nature become possible. Deciphering the traces of natural selection in the human genome (see page 776 ), and dissecting the genetics of neurobiology and behaviour promise a new, more detailed and complex sense of how of how evolution has given human nature a definite biological form — while at the same time throwing new light on just how deeply biology can be influenced by society and culture. This is a rich field for research in both the natural and the social sciences, especially in the form of new collaborations between them (see page 780 ). It is vital, however, that this new knowledge should be judged by far higher standards than the ideology passed off as biology that blighted so much of the twentieth century. Scientists have beliefs about what is right and wrong, just like everyone else. And try as they may to put them to one side — some try hard, some not so much — those beliefs will influence the way they do science, and the questions they ask and fail to ask. The scientific enterprise as a whole has to pay particular heed to the risk that preconceptions will creep in whenever what is being said about human nature has political or social implications. This is particularly the case when science begins to look, as moral psychology is doing, at the mechanisms by which people make decisions about right or wrong. Here it becomes peculiarly hard — and at the same time especially important — to resist the 'naturalistic fallacy' of inferring what ought to be from what is. Science may be able to tell us why some values are more easily held than others. But it cannot tell us whether taking the easy path in terms of which values we espouse is the right thing to do. In fact, it provides us with a worked example to the contrary. The scientific endeavour itself is founded on values which natural selection would have seemed unlikely to foist on a bunch of violent, gregarious upright apes. Science tries to place no trust in authority; to some extent, society has to. Science tries to define its membership on the basis of inclusion, rather than exclusion; work on altruism suggests, worryingly, that communities more normally need an outgroup to form against. Science insists on the value of truth even when it is inconvenient or harmful; most people's beliefs tend to reinforce their self-interest. In this unnaturalness lies the great strength of science. It is from this it derives its power as a way of understanding the world. And this is also what allows it, at its best, to resist, not reinforce, mores and prejudices that pose as truths of nature. This demanding, artificial code is what gives engaged, passionate and all-too-fallible human beings the collective power to produce results that are dispassionate, objective and reliable. And if science stays true to that code, it can act as a stern restraint on anyone seeking to go from the study of how people evolved to conclusions about how they should be treated now — to go, that is, against the values that both Darwin and Lincoln espoused. Science can never prove humans alike in dignity, or equally deserving under the law; that is a truth that cannot be discovered. Like the ideals of malice towards none and charity towards all, it is something that must be made real through communal will.
亲爱的同胞们： 今天我站在这里，为我们将面对的任重道远而慨叹。感谢你们对我寄托的信任，同时缅怀我们的前人所做出的牺牲。感谢布什总统为美国做出的贡献，以及他在总统任期交叠过程中的慷慨合作。 至此，共有四十四位美国人曾进行过总统宣誓。这一誓言曾在国家和平、欣欣向荣时做出过。然而这一誓词更曾在乌云笼罩和风暴袭来之时被宣读。美国人民之所以能够走过那些艰难的时刻，不仅仅是因为领袖的能力或远见；更是因为我们，我们人民，保持着对先人理想的忠诚，对我们国家创始文件的追随。 对于我们这一代美国人来说，也是这样，也必须这样。 国家正面临危机，这一点大家已经没有疑问。美国处在战争之中，面对一个有巨大影响力、充满暴力和仇恨的网络。我们的经济严重衰退。这来源于部分人的贪婪和不负责任，更由于作为一个整体，我们未能做出面对一个新时代的艰难决策。人民失去房屋、工作机会减少、商业活动遭到破坏。医疗保障过于昂贵，学校教育系统出现太多失败。而我们对能源的使用，日益让对手强大，与此同时又威胁着我们的星球。 这些，是从数据和统计中可以看到的危机信号。还有难以度量但同样深远的问题，那就是整个国家信心的缺失。那萦绕在我们头上的恐惧，认为美国的衰败不可避免，认为我们的下一代人不可能再有太高的期望。 今天我要对你们说，我们面临的挑战是真切的、严重的，而且有很多重。解决他们不可能很轻松，也不可能在短时间内发生。但美国人民，请记住这一点：这些挑战会被解决。 今天，我们聚集在一起，因为我们选择了希望而不是恐惧；我们选择了为共同的目标团结在一起，而不是冲突与争执。 今天，我们共同终结那些虚假的承诺、陈腐的教条、以及指摘与怨言。这些已经困扰了我们的政治体系太长时间。 我们的国家仍旧年轻，但借用圣经中的话，该是抛开那些孩子气的时候了。现在，需要重新拿出我们的坚韧精神，选择自己的历史。我们要延续代代相传的宝贵礼物，延续神圣的理想，那就是上帝赐予我们的承诺－－人人平等，人人自由，人人都有机会去追求最大程度的幸福。 在重温我们国家伟大的同时，我们必须明白，伟大不是凭空而来的，而是赢得的。在我们的历程中，从来没有走捷径或是退而求其次。这一历程不是为懦弱者准备的，不是为那些享乐高于工作、只知追求名利的人准备的。相反，是那些甘于承担风险的人，实干家，创造者－－有些众人皆知，而更多的在辛勤工作中默默无闻－－是他们带着我们穿越漫长、崎岖的道路走向繁荣与自由。 为了我们，他们把仅有的财物装进行囊，漂洋过海追求新的生活。 为了我们，他们开拓西部，在条件恶劣的工厂中流血流汗；他们忍受鞭笞，开垦贫瘠的土地。 为了我们，他们战斗和牺牲在协和镇（Concord）、葛底斯堡（Gettysburg）、诺曼底和科萨恩(KheSahn)。 一次又一次，这些男男女女，他们奋斗和牺牲；他们将双手磨破为了给我们带来更好的生活。在他们眼中，美国超越了我们每个人雄心的总和，超越了个人、财富和派系的差别。 今天，我们仍在这样的历程上。我们仍旧是地球上最繁荣、最强大的国家。美国工人们的效率并不比危机开始之前低。我们的头脑具有同样的创造力。我们的产品与服务和上周、上月、或者去年一样有需求。我们的能力从未被削弱。但墨守陈规、维护狭隘的利益、面对艰难的决策畏首畏尾的日子将一去不复返了。从今天开始，我们必须重新找回我们自己，掸去身上的尘土，开始重塑美国的重任。 环顾四周，有无数工作等着我们。经济状况期待着我们大胆和快速的行动。我们会付诸行动－－不仅仅是创造就业机会，同时还要为未来的增长打下新的基础。我们将建设公路、桥梁和电网，以及将我们紧密联系起来、提供商业信息的数字高速公路。我们会重新树立科学应有的地位，并利用技术手段提高医疗保障的质量，同时降低其费用。我们将利用太阳、风与土壤，来驱动我们的汽车和工厂。我们将改革我们的学校和大学，以满足新时代的需要。这些都有可能实现，更会去实现。 现在，有人还在怀疑我们的信心──他们认为我们的国家无法承担这样的重大计划。他们太健忘了，他们忘记了这个国家曾经取得的成就，他们忘记了当拥有了理想、共同的目标和必要的勇气，这些自由的人民曾经取得的辉煌成就。 这些愤世嫉俗的人无法理解这个国家所发生的转变──那些陈腐的政治已经缠绕了我们太久太长。我们现在面临的问题不是政府太大还是太小，而是政府所扮演的角色──应该帮助家庭获得体面的收入，购买他们的所需，有尊严地退休。当这些答案都是肯定的时，我们才能继续前进。如果答案是否定的，一切都将不复存在。我们这些管理公共财产的人应该负起责任──把钱花在刀刃上、改掉恶习、光明正大地行事──因为只有这样我们才能重塑人民和政府之间的信任。 市场力量的好坏不是我们的问题。市场在创造财富和推进自由进程方面是无可代替的，但是这场危机也提醒了我们没有审慎的监管，市场的力量将如野马一样脱缰──一个仅有财富的国家不可能持续繁荣。我们在经济上所取得的成功不仅体现在我们的经济总量上，也体现在我们的繁荣程度上，体现在我们为每个渴望成功的心灵所提供的机会上─这并非出自恻隐之心，而是我们实现共同利益的必经之路。 我们拒绝在安全和理想之间妥协。我们的建国先辈们，面对我们无法想象的凶险，却依然用几代人的鲜血维护了神圣的法律和人权。那些理想依然在照亮着这个世界，我们不会因一时的困难而放弃这些理想。我要对那些正在看着我们的国家和人民说，无论你身处繁华的都市还是像养育了我父亲那样的小村庄：对于那些追求和平与尊严的男人、女人和孩子，美国将永远是你们的朋友，我们将继续和你们一起前进。 我们是这种传统的捍卫者。我们继续追寻这些信念的指引，我们将直面这些挑战并更加努力─更多的沟通与合作。我们会负责地将伊拉克还给当地的人民，并在阿富汗保卫来之不易的和平。我们将与老朋友和原来的敌人一道，共同消除核威胁，解决全球变暖的根源。我们不会为自己的做法道歉，更不会动摇捍卫和平的决心，对于那些崇尚恐怖、滥杀无辜的人，我们的精神是强大而不可战胜的。你拖不垮我们，我们将会打败你。 我们多种族混居是一种优势。我们是一个由基督徒、穆斯林、犹太教徒、印度教徒和无神论者共同组成的国家。我们吸收了各种文化的精髓，从世界的每个角落学习。因为我们经历过内战和种族隔离的痛苦洗礼，并在黑暗中更加坚强和团结，我们无法保证，但是我们相信憎恨终将消弭，分隔终将散去。随着世界越来越紧密地联系在一起，我们共同的人性将显露出来，美国必须承担引领新时代和平的重任。 对于穆斯林世界，我们将基于共同的利益和信仰，寻找更好的合作之路。对于那些在世界各个地方挑起冲突或一味批评西方不良影响的领导者：你的人民评判你的依据是你建立了什么，而不是破坏了什么。对于那些依靠腐败和欺骗并压制异议而追求权利的人们：你们站在了人类历史的对立面。如果你们能张开紧握的拳头，我们也将伸出友谊之手。 对于那些贫穷的人们，我们保证和你们一起建设繁茂的农场和干净的水源，滋养那些饥寒交迫的身体和心灵。对于那些与我们一样相对富裕的国家，我们不能再对外界的苦难漠不关心，更不能继续大肆索取世界的资源。世界必须改变，我们都必须改变。 当我们审视前方的道路时，我们会感激那些跨越千山万水来到这里的人们。今天，他们有话对我们说，也是安息在阿林顿国家公墓里的先烈们时刻提醒我们的。我们尊敬他们不仅因为是他们捍卫了我们的自由，更因为他们正是奉献精神的化身；他们致力于寻找远高于自身的生命真谛。而此时，在这个特殊的时代，我们更需让这种精神长存。 因为归根结底，政府所能做的，也是必须做到的，是体现每个美国人的信念和决心，这也是这个国家赖以生存的精神力量。这种力量是洪灾泛滥时，陌生人之间的温暖善举；是经济困难时期，人们自损利益保全朋友工作的无私忘我。这是消防员们毅然冲入浓烟火海的勇气，也是父母培养孩子的无私之心，这些都决定了我们的命运。 或许，我们今日遇到挑战前所未有，所有的情况完全陌生。但是，我们赖以走向成功的价值观从未改变诚实、勤勉、勇敢、公正、宽容、好学、忠贞和爱国。我们的历史亦由这些真理推进，亘古不变。如今，我们面对的是一个全新的责任时代人人都需重视，对我们自己，我们的国家乃至整个世界，都有一份责任。我们会欣然接受这份责任，人生也正因此而充实。 这是公民的价值和承诺。 这是我们信心的源泉上帝赐予我们知识以应对无常的命运。 这是我们所崇尚的自由与信念的真谛这就是为什么今天，不同肤色，不同信仰的男女老少在此汇聚一堂；这就是为什么六十年前，一位父亲走入餐厅甚至无人理睬，而今天他的儿子可以站在这里，在你们面前许下最庄严的誓言。 所以让我们记住这一天，记住自己，记住为此的付出。在我们的国家诞生之初，先辈们在最寒冷的日子里，围聚在结冰的河边靠微弱的篝火取暖。离乡背井，后有敌军，鲜血染红了白雪。就在革命的道路如此模糊，意志也开始踌躇之时，我们的国父有这样几句话： 告诉未来的世界当一切陷入寒冬，万物俱灭，只有希望和勇气可以长存这座城市和这个国家，在共同的危机下团结起来，共同面对前方的艰难。 美国，面对我们共同的危机，在这艰难的寒冬，让我们牢记那些永恒的字句。怀着希望和美德，让我们再一次勇敢地面对冰冷的现实，迎接任何可能的风浪。让我们的子孙传唱，当我们面对挑战时，我们没有怯懦、没有退缩，更没有踟蹰不前。我们在上帝的关爱下眺望远方，我们在自由的道路上继续前进，我们的精神将永远闪耀着光芒。 My fellow citizens: I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition. Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often, the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebearers, and true to our founding documents. So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans. That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet. These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land -- a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights. Watch the historic inauguration of Barack Obama with CNN and the best political team on TV Live coverage all day Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America: They will be met. On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord. On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn-out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics. We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness. In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the fainthearted -- for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things -- some celebrated, but more often men and women obscure in their labor -- who have carried us up the long, rugged path toward prosperity and freedom. For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life. For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth. For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn. Time and again, these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction. This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions -- that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America. For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act -- not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. And all this we will do. Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions -- who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage. What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them -- that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works -- whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. And those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account -- to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day -- because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government. Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control -- and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart -- not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good. As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: Know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more. Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint. We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort -- even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you. For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus -- and nonbelievers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace. To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West: Know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist. To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it. As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us today, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment -- a moment that will define a generation -- it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all. For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate. Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends -- hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism -- these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility -- a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation and the world; duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task. This is the price and the promise of citizenship. This is the source of our confidence -- the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny. This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed -- why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent Mall, and why a man whose father less than 60 years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath. So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people: Let it be told to the future world ... that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive... that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet . America. In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested, we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back, nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.
标签: 林肯
