第一回 三分天下有其类，简述林肯立标杆 实验室是科学的摇篮，是科学研究的基地，对科技发展起着十分重要的作用。 在国际上享有盛誉的著名实验室更被喻为科 研领域的麦加，是科技工作者向往和追随的地方。这些实验室往往代表了世界前沿基础研究的最高水平，诞生了一大批诺贝尔奖获得者和具有划时代意义的科技创新成果，是开展高层次学术交流的重要场所。 然而，任何圣殿的建成都不是一蹴而就的，都是经历了几代人的不断努力以及世事的沧桑变迁，而 最终慢慢积淀下来的。潘长江说过，“只有浓缩的才是精华”，（哈哈）。然而，只关注浓缩后的精华，就像只看得到金冠的表象而不知道其内部金银含量一样，不能得其要领，这对像我一样正欲步入或者还没有步入科学殿堂的人来说，只有徒增感叹而受益不大。因此，我想以美国麻省理工学院的林肯实验室的发展历史做一个系列的实验室发展科普博文，希望对自己和读者能够有所帮助。 话不多说，言归正传。 世界上的实验室可谓林林总总，大小不一，类别不一，隶属不一，大到上万人，小可以只有几个人。但不管如何，大体上，可将它们分为三大类： 第一类：综合类实验室。 这类实验室特点是一般隶属于国家职能部门，如美国能源部，我国科技部等，它们基本都是 核武器时代的产物，其最初的研究领域在高能物理领域，集中建设于上个世纪30-70年代， 如美国曼哈顿计划、中国两弹一星 计划。由于核政策的调整，这类实验室 受核试验的限制而发展逐步受限。但由于它们基础实力雄厚，汇聚了许多国家 级一流人才，却原先专业覆盖面广，因此现在多已推广至能源、高性能计算、材料、环境、 医学、国家安全等多个领域。 此类实验室最著 名的有：加州大学伯克利分校的劳伦斯伯克利国 家实验室，洛斯阿拉莫斯国家实验室、橡树岭国家实验室、阿贡国家实验室，国内则包括原二机部、七机部，以及现在的中国工程物理研究院。 第二类：专业类实验室。 这类实验室的建设没有国家统一意志，通常是应科技发展的需求而建设的，故年代不统一，隶属也不一定，有隶属于国家职能部门的，也有隶属于国际组织的；这类实验室的研究领域相对比较单一，且一般专注于基础研究，享有很高的学术地位，因此它们一般都建设在高校内。 属于此类实验室的著名实验室有：号称“科学革命圣地”的英国剑桥大学卡文迪许实验室、号称“美国军事电子系统大本营”的美国麻省理工学院林肯实验室、号称“太空领域研究先驱”的美国加州理工学院喷气推进实验室（钱学森先生曾任其主任）、号称“量子论的发源地”的德国联邦物理技术研究所、号称“历史最悠久的计量基准研究中心”的英国国家物理实验室、旨在探索“宇宙开始时最基本的东西是什么”等问题的纯科学的联合物理研究机构-欧洲核子研究中心等。 第三类：附属类实验室。 此类实验室不同综合类实验室的国家使命，也不同于专业类实验室的学术追求，他们多是由工业部门或者公司为了集中研究力量研究某个研究问题而建设的，它们的研究的时代特征非常明显，且研究问题针对性强，多数以服务产品、型号工程为主。 属于此类实验室的著名实验室包括：ATT公司的贝尔实验室、IBM研究实验室、Google X实验室以及百度深度学习实验室等等。 而我们本系列主角--美国林肯实验室隶属第二类实验室，其全称是麻省理工学院林肯实验室，MIT Lincoln Laboratory，成立1951年，位于美国马萨诸塞州汉斯科姆空军基地，由 麻省理工学院管理， 其研究领域包括防 空、空间监控、导弹防御、战场监控、空中交通管制等，其基本使命是把高科技应用到国家安全中，号称“美国军事电子的大本营。 现在的林肯实验室 早期的林肯实验室 林肯实验室现有8个研究部，40多个 研究室，5000多名员工。 林肯实验室的研究部门划分 林肯实验室的历史就是美国国家防空发展的历史,如 1949：林肯实验室创建了首部 组网 雷达-SAGE 系统 1952：林肯实验室开展关注弹道导弹早期预警-BMD 1963：林肯实验室发明长距离通信-卫星通信SatCom 1967：林肯实验室为满足越战需求开始涉足战场侦察领域 1974：林肯实验室受国防预算削减影响开始关注非国防领域—空管领域 1970s：林肯实验室开始关注巡航导弹监测—模式识别、数字信号处理、数据采集标准与决策 1983：林肯实验室开始关注战略防御计划—全程反导—激光、通信、计算 911后：林肯实验室针对伊拉克、阿富汗等作战需求，开始研究“rapid reaction ： 快速反应 ”和赛博安全 国土防御计划：林肯实验室的研究领域扩大到大规模杀伤武器防御、边界安全、化学、生物等等 。 正如林肯实验室历史手册上所言，不管技术挑战如何变化，林肯实验室的成功背后不变的是工作在舒适灵活的工作环境中的知识丰富的、有创造性的人们，这才是林肯实验室的精髓所在。 The technical challenges may have changed from era to era, but the underlying reason for laboratory’s success--- Intelligent, Creative people working in a flexibly structured environment ----has remained the same. This is how Lincoln laboratory has contributed to the security of the nation in the past and will endeavor to do so in the future. 第一回结束。预知后事如何，且听下回分解。 第二回：美利坚群英上书，英格兰志士渡海
GETTYSBURG ADDRESS Abraham Lincoln Delivered on the 19th Day of November, 1863 Cemetery Hill, Gettysburg, Pennsylvania 87年前，我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切 人生来平等的原则。 现在我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个 孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟 大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这 里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而 且是非常恰当的。 但是，从更广泛的意义上来说，这块土地我们不能够奉献，不能够圣化，不能够神化。 那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经把这块土地圣化了，这远不是我 们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话，全世界不大会注意，也不会长久 地记住，但勇士们在这里所做过的事，全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说，倒是我们这些 还活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事 业。倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些 光荣的死者身上汲取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；我们 要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲；我们要使国家在上帝福佑下得到自 由的新生，要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。 Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and so dedicated can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead who struggled here have consecrated it far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living rather to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us -- that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion -- that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain, that this nation under God shall have a new birth of freedom, and that government of the people, by the people, for the people shall not perish from the earth. （原文写于2009-07-03 17:12:55 新浪博客）
从 150 年前林肯“民有、民治、民享”政府演说谈起 黄安年文 黄安年的博客 /2013 年 11 月 19 日 发布 150 周年前的今天，林肯在具有转折意义的葛底斯堡战役（ 1863 年 7 月 1-3 日）后的四个半月的宾夕法尼亚葛底斯堡，发表了著名的葛底斯堡演说， 这篇不到 5 分钟的演说，给人们印象最的是他说 : “ 八十七年前，我们 先辈 们 在这 片大陆 上 缔造了一个新的国家，这个国家孕育于自由之中，并奉行一切人生而平等的原则。 ”“我们要从这些光荣的死者身上汲取更多的奉献精神，来完成他们曾为之鞠躬尽瘁的事业 ---- 我们要在这里下最大的决心不让烈士们的鲜血白流 ---- 我们要使这个国家 , 在上帝的保佑下，得到自由的新生 ---- 我们要使一个民有、民治、民享的政府，不会从地球上消失。” 林肯强调“一个民有、民治、民享的政府”（ that government of the people, by the people, for the people ）和“ 奉行一切人生而平等的原则 ”，需要我们为之奉献。当时美国建国时和林肯所说的“民”，实际上还没有完全将黑奴包含在在内，美国的奴隶制尚为废除 , 美国还是一个新兴的发展中的国家 , 横贯北美大陆的太平洋铁路还正在兴建之中。到了１９世纪晚期的镀金时代，美国发生了翻天覆地的变化 , 即将完成近代工业化 , 然而环视走向发达国家走向世界的美国却被有人称美国已经成为一个恐龙所有、恐龙所治、恐龙所享的政府了。在２１世纪的今天，美国的政府的所有、所治、所享的主体也不是各个阶层至少中下层人民，而主要是最富裕阶层和特殊利益集团的所有、所治、所享，甚至是军火利益集团的所有、所治、所享。美国的超级霸权梦政策已经和民有、民治、民享背道而驰了，美国以世界警察自居将力图整个世界变成美国所有、美国所治、美国所享了。 “一个民有、民治、民享的政府”和“ 奉行一切人生而平等的原则 ”不仅是符合人民根本利益的美国政府追求的目标 , 也符合人民根本利益的中国政府所追求的目标 , 在这个问题上 , 中美两国具有共同利益。而且也是“三个代表”的突出体现，林肯信奉“一个民有、民治、民享的政府”的见解是哪个时代的“三个代表”。 新中国成立了人民政府，这个政府在实现“一个民有、民治、民享的政府”和“ 奉行一切人生而平等的原则 ”问题上无论是改革开放前和开放改革以来的历史进程中都取得了令人难忘的成就，也都有值得认真总结和反思的地方。我们需要认真考虑的怎样确保政府成为“民有、民治、民享”和“ 一切人生而平等 ”，如果用这样的标准来衡量，那么我们在改革开放道路上还有很长的路要走。即使在让一部分人先富起来到走共同富裕道路上也还有很多的路要走 , 其中有些已经富裕起来的群体甚至可能成为走共同富裕道路的严重阻力，在改革开放进程中，我们尤其需要防止让“民有、民治、民享”变成“特殊利益群体所有、特殊利益群体所治、特殊利益群体所享，如果那样决不是改革而是后退 , 决不是人民的政府 , 而是人民币大量拥有者的政府了。 ****************************8888 葛底斯堡演说 《 葛底斯堡 演说》（英文：Gettysburg Address）是亚伯拉罕· 林肯 最著名的演说，也是 美国历史 上为人引用最多之政治性演说。在1863年11月19日，正值 美国内战 中葛底斯堡战役结束后四个半月， 林肯 在 宾夕法尼亚州 葛底斯堡的葛底斯堡国家公墓（Gettysburg National Cemetery）揭幕式中发表是之演说，哀悼在长达5个半月的葛底斯堡之役中阵亡的将士。 林肯 的演讲修辞细腻周密，其后成为美国历史上最伟大的演说之一。 历史背景 林肯 ，姓氏，男子名。常指 亚伯拉罕· 林肯 ，美国第16任 总统 。他领导了 美国南北战争 ，颁布了《 解放黑人奴隶宣言 》，维护了美联邦统一，为美国在 19 世纪 跃居世界头号工业强国开辟了道路，使美国进入经济发展的黄金时代，被称为“伟大的解放者”。 联邦军阵亡者，提摩西·欧苏利文摄 葛底斯堡之役（1863年7月1日至3日），彻底改变了葛底斯堡这个小镇。战场上，联邦 波多马克军团 与联盟国 北维吉尼亚军团 双方留下超过七千具的战士遗骸、数以千具战马尸骨，庄严有序地埋葬死者成为当地数千居民的首要之务。尸体腐烂的恶臭在战事结束后一周内，使许多小镇居民剧烈作呕。终于，在32岁富有检查官大卫·威尔斯（David Wills）的指示下， 宾夕法尼亚州 购下17英亩（69,000平方公尺）的土地作为墓园之用，以为这些葬送于烈日沙场的英灵善后。 威尔斯最初计划于1863年9月23日星期三题献这座墓园，并邀请时任国务卿的 威廉· 亨利· 西华德 、多名联邦参众议员、麻萨诸塞州州长、以及 哈佛大学 校长作为主讲人。艾佛瑞特时为全国最知名的 演说家 ，声名远播。他回复威尔斯及治丧委员会，因时间仓促，无从备妥合适的演说，要求将日期延后。经委员会同意，揭幕式顺延至11月19日星期四。 威尔斯及治丧委员会几乎是事后才想起邀请 林肯 参与揭幕式。威尔斯的信中写道，‘敢请屈驾，于演说之后，以全国 行政首长 之尊，赐以适切之短评，使此土此地因蒙官式对待，得添神圣庄严。’ 林肯 于演说顺序中排名第二，类似于现今邀请贵宾于开幕式剪彩的传统。 林肯 搭乘火车于11月18日到达葛底斯堡，当夜作客于威尔斯位于葛底斯堡市镇广场的住宅中，并为其于 华盛顿 写就的演说稿作最后的润色。与市井传说不同的是， 林肯 既未在火车上准备讲词，也未写就于信封背面。11月19日早晨9:30， 林肯 于骑着一匹枣栗色马，加入排成一长列的达官显要、市井小民、与战士 遗孀 中出场，位置在国务卿 威廉· 亨利· 西华德 与财政部长 萨蒙· 波特兰· 蔡斯 之间。 据估计，约有一万五千至两万人参与仪式，入席者包括当时廿四个联邦州中的六位州长：宾夕法尼州的 安德鲁· 格雷格· 柯廷 （Andrew Gregg Curtin）、 马里兰州 的奥古斯都·布莱德福（Augustus Bradford）、印地安那州的奥利佛·摩顿（Oliver P. Morton）、 纽约州 的候 霍拉肖· 西摩 （Horatio Seymour）、纽泽西州的乔·帕克（Joel Parker）、以及 俄亥俄州 的大卫·陶德（David Tod）。 确切之出场序仍有争议。 将掩埋在战场内各墓穴的尸体掘出重葬于墓园的工作，于 战役 结束后数月内即开始进行，至揭幕日仅完成不到一半。 仪式与演说 爱德华·艾佛瑞于林肯的短评之前发表演说 当日安排由威尔斯与治丧委员会所安排之仪式进行表如下： · 音乐 — 伯格 菲尔德乐队（Birgfield's Band） · 祷告 — 牧师史塔克顿博士（T.H. Stockton, D.D） · 音乐 — 海军陆战队乐队（Marine Band） · 演说 — 爱德华·艾佛瑞特阁下（Hon. Edward Everett） · 音乐 — 由 法兰西 阁下作曲之赞美诗（Hymn composed by B.B. French, Esq） · 致词 — 美利坚合众国 总统 · 挽歌 — 由为此场合精选合唱团演唱 · 祝福式 — 牧师 鲍尔 博士（H.L. Baugher, D.D.） 当日视之为“葛底斯堡演说”者并非 林肯 总统 的简短致词，而是艾佛瑞特长达两小时的演讲。艾佛瑞特这场今已罕闻之13,609字演讲其开头为： ‘ 立此晴空下，眺及四野，静谧自已逝年代之劳苦，伟大之阿尔根尼山脉耸立，隐朝我等，以及脚下诸同志安息之处；以我卑微之声破上天动人之岑寂，实感踌躇。然则奉各位之召，其责无可辞卸—其以尔之悲悯，应我祈求。’ Standing beneath this serene sky, overlooking these broad fields now reposing from the labors of the waning year, the mighty Alleghenies dimly towering before us, the graves of our brethren beneath our feet, it is with hesitation that I raise my poor voice to break the eloquent silence of God and Nature. But the duty to which you have called me must be performed; — grant me, I pray you, your indulgence and your sympathy. 在两小时后，以此作结： ‘ 然我坚信，其将同我等齐声传颂，共禀烈士之骸：遍探已 开化 之世间，凡传颂此役赫赫功勋之处，下及信史之尽头，于我等共享之国，煌煌之史中，再无他页较葛底斯堡一役更为灿烂。’ But they, I am sure, will join us in saying, as we bid farewell to the dust of these martyr-heroes, that wheresoever throughout the civilized world the accounts of this great warfare are read, and down to the latest period of recorded time, in the glorious annals of our common country, there will be no brighter page than that which relates The Battles of Gettysburg. 原始资料 另一份当时讲稿的 原始资料 为联合新闻（Associated Press）的有线服务（wire service）广播，转誊自记者约瑟夫·吉尔伯特（Joseph L. Gilbert）的速计笔记；同样在一些小地方与草稿的本文有异。 对于 林肯 当时的表现，现场目击者的报导同样也是各色观点兼具。1931年，时年87岁的莎拉·库克·麦尔斯夫人（Mrs. Sarah A. Cooke Myers），曾在19岁时参与揭幕式，她表示 林肯 演说后现场庄重肃静：“ 1863年11月20日纽约时报的文章 我当时很靠近 总统 ，听完全部演讲，但好像太短了。然后是一阵令人印象深刻的静默，类似于我们的Menallen教友团契。他讲完后并没有掌声。” 主题与内文 林肯 五次使用“国家”（nation）一字，但未用“联邦”（union）一字，此字于当时或单指北方—再者，恢复“国家”，而非各主权州的联邦共同体，为至高无上。 林肯 的文辞涉及1776年与 美国独立战争 ，并包含“凡人生而平等”等 美国独立宣言 中广为人知的字句。 林肯 并未间接提及1789年的美国宪法，宪法中的五分之三协议（three-fifths compromise，每位黑奴折抵五分之三个 自由民 ，作为各州产生联邦众议员的居民人数基础）暗示承认奴隶制度。他也未提及内战之前时期（antebellum）的种种政治争议如拒行联邦法规（nullification，州政府撤废联邦法规，自行其是）或是州权（state's rights，即主张 美利坚合众国 为各主权州之集合， 总统 为各州委任之代理人，无权涉入奴隶制度等州内重大事务）。 在《 林肯 在葛底斯堡：再造美国的字句》一书中，盖瑞·威尔斯表示这场演说受美式 希腊复兴 （Greek Revival）及雅典的传统葬礼演说之影响，以及一位论（Unitarian，上帝只有一位， 在国会图书馆的壁画上刻有林肯的一句名言。 而非三位一体）中的超越论（Transcendentalism，顿悟）与废奴主义者希欧多尔·帕克（Theodore Parker，‘全民共有，全民共治，全民共享’（of all the people, by all the people, for all the people）警句的原创者），还有丹尼尔· 韦伯斯特 （Daniel Webster）对宪法的主张。 作家，以及内战学者詹姆斯·麦佛森（James McPherson）对威尔斯著作之评述，拟之于修斯提底斯（Thucydides， 古希腊 史家）所述， 佩里 克利斯（Pericles， 雅典 政治家）于 伯罗奔尼撒战争 （Peloponnesian War）期间的葬礼演说，并列举若干特点与 林肯 的演说比较。佩 里克利斯的演说，一如 林肯 ，以向可敬的先人致意为开端：‘我须始于我辈先祖：是正确而适当者，其若齿及今日如此盛典，应感与有荣焉。’（I shall begin with our ancestors: it is both just and proper that they should have the honour of the first mention on an occasion like the present）；再来是赞扬国家对民主的 承诺独一无二：‘观其律法，赋平等正义予全体人民’（If we look to the laws, they afford equal justice to all in their private differences），尊崇亡者的犠牲：‘故 宁力 拒而亡，不受辱而生者，已远辱而犯险’（Thus choosing to die resisting, rather than to live submitting, they fled only from dishonour, but met danger face to face）；并敦促生者继续奋斗：‘尔等，其孓遗，须决心以不移之念以入沙场，庶可为适切之争而祷。’（You, their survivors, must determine to have as unfaltering a resolution in the field, though you may pray that it may have a happier issue.） 葛瑞格·史密斯（Craig R. Smith）于《对政治修辞与修养的完善之批判》（Criticism of Political Rhetoric and Disciplinary Integrity）中，也表示韦伯斯特（Webster）的著名演讲影响 林肯 在葛底斯堡演说中对政府观点的阐释，尤其是韦伯斯特的《对黑涅的二次回复》（Second Reply to Hayne）。他在其中陈述：‘此政府，可敬的先生，为公众志愿之产物，非州议会之创造，非也。尤有甚者，若须表述全部真理，则使其成真之人民、肇建、 并拥护迄今者，为此之图，连同他事，气魄宏大而明确地强烈限制对州之最高主权。’（This government, Sir, is the independent offspring of the popular will. It is not the creature of State legislatures; nay, more, if the whole truth must be told, the people brought it into existence, established it, and have hitherto supported it, for the very purpose, amongst others, of imposing certain salutary restraints on State sovereignties.） 有人注意到 林肯 以诞生、存活、消亡的比喻性手法用于国家的‘肇建’（brought forth）、‘孕育’（conceived）、以及必不自地球上‘消亡’（perish）。另外，包含作家艾伦·归尔佐（Allen C. Guelzo）在内，曾表示 林肯 公式化的表述‘八十有七’（four score and seven）间接来自英王钦定版圣经（King James Version of the Bible）Psalm 90。圣经中对寿算之表述类于‘六十有十’（threescore and ten） 作家曼肯（H. L. Mencken）对他所认为的 林肯 中心思想大加挞伐。 林肯 认为葛底斯堡的战士们‘为自决之事业捐躯’。曼肯论断：‘很难想像还会有什么更虚假的。该战役中的联邦军将士们实际上是为了反对自决而战；是邦联军为其人民自治之权而战。’ 2 林肯演说 简介 在听众的好评后， 林肯 以他尖细的 肯塔基 腔发言二至三分钟。 林肯 的“适 亚伯拉罕·林肯发表演说 切之短评”以十句话272个字简述这场内战，重提国家在这场艰苦战争中的作用，以及对此观念的影响：不分联邦军或邦联军，葛底斯堡阵亡将士的牺牲无一白费。演说以八十七年前发端，论及美国独立战争以及著名的独立宣言，指出国民殊死的战斗就是为了确保民有、民治、民享之政府当免于凋零，有意思的是尽管这场演说名垂青史，但是其确切的措辞一直颇受争议，已知的共有五份版本，历史学家为细微史实一直争论不已。 尽管这场演说名垂青史，当今学者对其真正措词意见不一；当时据实誊录的新闻报导，甚至 林肯 本人的数份手抄副本中，其措词、 标点 、与结构皆互有歧异。在众多版本中，“毕 利斯本 ”（Bliss Copy）已成标准本。这是唯一一份 林肯 署名的版本，也是所知经其撰写的最终版本：（以下为此本之中英对照） 译本 在八十七年前，我们的 国父 们 在这块土地上 创建一个新的国家，乃基于对自由的坚信，并致力于所有人皆生而平等的信念。 Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. 当下吾等被卷入一场伟大的内战，以考验是否此国度，或任何肇基于和奉献于斯者，可永垂不朽。吾等现相逢于此战中一处浩大战场。而吾等将奉献此战场之部分，作为这群交付彼者生命让那国度勉能生存的人们最后安息之处。此乃全然妥切且适当而为吾人应行之举。 Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives to that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. 但，于更大意义之上，吾等无法致力、无法奉上、无法成就此土之圣。这群勇者，无论生死，曾于斯奋战到底，早已使其神圣，而远超过吾人卑微之力所能增减。这世间不曾丝毫留意，也不长久记得吾等于斯所言，但永不忘怀彼人于此所为。吾等生者，理应当然，献身于此辈鞠躬尽瘁之未完大业。吾等在此责无旁贷献身 于眼前之伟大使命：自光荣的亡者之处吾人肩起其终极之奉献—吾等在此答应亡者之死当非徒然—此国度，于神佑之下，当享有自由之新生—民有、民治、民享之政府当免于凋零。 But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate—we can not consecrate—we can not hallow—this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us — that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion — that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain — that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom — and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth. 3 五份手稿 概述 五份已知的葛底斯堡演说手抄本，各以自 林肯 之手承接之相关人士命名。 林肯 给他的私人秘书约翰·尼柯莱（John Nicolay）与约翰·黑伊（John Hay）每人各一份。两份皆在其11月19日演说日左右写就，而其他三份演说稿本，艾佛瑞特本(Everett)、班克劳福本（Bancroft）、与毕 利斯本 （Bliss），为 林肯 为慈善目的于11月19日后自撰。由于 林肯 对毕 利斯本 下标题并署名及记下日期，该本成为大多数 林肯 葛底斯堡演说的复写再制品之来源。 两份最早的草稿互有关连，然两者之存在与起源有若干的混淆与矛盾之处。尼柯莱与黑伊二人，由 林肯 之子罗伯特·陶德·林肯（Robert Todd Lincoln）于1874年指派为林肯文件的保管人。 尼柯莱本于1894年出现在约翰·尼柯莱的文章之副本中；据猜测，其于尼柯莱在1901年去逝后，混杂在其女 海伦 转交给黑伊的文件当中。罗伯特· 林肯 于 1908年开始找寻原稿，海伦从而耗时数年追寻尼柯莱本未成。在给 林肯 的信中，海伦写道：“黑伊先生在文件转交后不久告诉我，令尊给了家父葛底斯堡演说的原 稿。” 林肯 追寻的结果是在约翰·黑伊装订成册的论文本中发现一份葛底斯堡演说手抄本—即今称‘黑伊稿本’（Hay Draft）者，其使用的纸张、每行字数、整篇的行数、以及林肯编校的手迹，皆不同于约翰·尼柯莱在1894年印行的版本。八年后，1916年3月，符合伦·尼柯莱记忆与其父文章之今称‘尼柯莱本’者，据报存于约翰·黑伊的孙女爱丽丝·黑伊·瓦德史渥丝（Alice Hay Wadsworth）的所有物中。（引据之注解今已绝版） 尼柯莱本 尼柯莱本据信为现存最早的副本，通称“首稿”（first draft）。学者们对于尼柯莱本是否即 林肯 于11月19日发表葛底斯堡演说时所诵读者意见不一。1894年，身为 林肯 文件保管者的尼柯莱，于一篇包含此本之摹写的文章中写道，林肯将以白宫文具写就之讲稿前半携至葛底斯堡，并于11月19日发表演说前以铅笔在横格纸写下讲稿之次页。两张纸上仍明显可见的相称折痕，显示其或为目击者所称 林肯 自其外套口袋掏出并于典礼中诵读者。有些人认为其讲辞业已丢失，因尼柯莱本的若干词句与 林肯 当时演讲的抄本不符。例如说，“凭借神佑”一句，不见于“此一国度，（凭借神佑），定享自由之新生”这一段。若说尼柯莱本就是当时所诵读者，那么不是当时的誊录不确，便是 林肯 于讲稿中数处悖于其写定的文辞。这份葛底斯堡演说的副本据推测在约翰·尼柯莱于1901年去逝之前始终为其所有，后传交于其挚友兼同事约翰·黑伊；其后消失于众数年，复于1916年三月寻获。尼柯莱本现于 华盛顿 的国会图书馆中之 美国 珍品展（American Treasures exhibition）中永久陈列。 黑伊本 于1906年首次发布于众后，普立兹奖得主盖瑞·威尔斯（Garry Wills）称黑伊本为 “ 黑伊本 在 林肯 的五份副本中最令人难以索解。”当中有数处增减，显示其经仓促抄写；经检阅后，多处之删削为全句基本含义之关键，非仅 林肯 可用以强化或明晰其语义 之简单字词。此副本，时称“次稿”（second draft），若非于演讲日一早写就，即是 林肯 于回到 华盛顿 不久之后完成。相信演讲日写就者指出，当中有若干词句不见于首稿，但出现在对这场演说的新闻报导与 林肯 其后撰写的各副本中。他们断定，依国会图书馆所收藏，随附于首稿与次稿两者原件的注解之声明，这份次稿有可能为 林肯 发表演讲时手中所持者。 林肯 最后把这份副本给了他另一位个人秘书，约翰·黑伊；其后裔于1916年将这份次稿连同尼柯莱本捐赠给国会图书管。 艾佛瑞特本 艾佛瑞特本，又称艾佛瑞特—奇易斯本，于1864年初由 林肯 总统 应爱德华·艾佛瑞特之请而致赠。艾佛瑞特收集各人在葛底斯堡的演说稿，装订成册，于 纽约 的美国卫生部展览场中为伤兵义卖。 林肯 所致赠的手稿后成为第三份署名的副本，现为位于伊利诺州春田市的伊利诺州立历史文物馆馆藏。目前陈列于 亚伯拉罕 林肯 总统 图书博物馆（Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library and Museum）的珍品艺廊（Treasures Gallery）中。 班克劳福本 葛底斯堡演说的班克劳福本由 林肯 总统 于1864年四月应乔治·班克劳福之请写就。身为当时最知名的历史学家，班克劳福计划将这份副本纳入《我国之肇建者身后真迹》（Autograph Leaves of Our Country's Authors），并于巴尔地摩的海陆军卫生展览场中拍卖。由于这第四个副本写于纸张的两面，故不适合于此目的。班克劳福先生获允保留下来。这是唯一一份随附 林肯 寄送手稿所用之原有信封，并有林肯手书地址及免费邮递字样者。这份副本留在班克劳福家族手中数年，后捐赠予康乃尔大学中的 卡尔 克劳区图书馆（Carl A. Kroch Library）。这是五份副本中唯一私有收藏者。 毕利斯本 在发现其第四份手迹成为乔治·班克劳福收纳的《身后真迹》后， 林肯 总统 写下第五稿。毕利斯本为 林肯 唯一署名之副本，曾一度为亚历山大·毕利斯上校家族所有；他是班克劳福的继子与《身后真迹》发行人。这是 林肯 所写的最后一份手稿，由于其外观经小心保存，也由于林肯于此副本下标题并署名及记下日期，它成为这场演讲的标准版本。毕利斯本成为大多数林肯葛底斯堡演说的复写再制品之源头。原稿今藏于白宫的 林肯 室，为前 古巴 驻美大使奥斯卡·辛塔斯（Oscar B. Cintas）致赠的礼物。辛塔斯为富有的文物艺品收藏家，他于1949年在一场拍卖会中以五万四千美元买下毕利斯本，就公开拍卖的文件而言，其为史上最高价位。 盖瑞·威尔斯（Garry Wills）在1993年的 普立兹得奖作品《 林肯 在葛底斯堡：再造美国的字句》中论断，毕 利斯本 “文体在一个极重要的方面上，较他本可取：林肯自‘其为之尽献（于此）’中删除了于此 ”，也就是此本之第七个“于此”。”威尔斯评论道， 林肯 “持续的改进，显示他注重内文之完美甚于保存‘原稿’（当然这是可理解的）。” 4 英文原文 Memorial version THE GETTYSBURG ADDRESS Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth upon this continent, a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who here gave their lives that this nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate…we cannot consecrate…we cannot hallow…this ground. The brave men,living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us…that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain; that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom; and that government of the people, by the people,for the people, shall not perish from the earth. November 19, 1863 The five manuscripts Nicolay Draft Copy of Nicolay's draft of the Gettysburg Address Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth, upon this continent, a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived, and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of it, as a final resting place for those who died here, that the nation might live. This we may, in all propriety do. But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate—we can not consecrate—we can not hallow, this ground—The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have hallowed it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here; while it can never forget what they did here. It is rather for us, the living, to stand here, we here be dedicated to the great task remaining before us—that, from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they here, gave the last full measure of devotion—that we here highly resolve these dead shall not have died in vain; that the nation, shall have a new birth of freedom, and that government of the people by the people for the people, shall not perish from the earth. Hay Draft Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth, upon this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation, so conceived, and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met here on a great battle field of that war. We are now have come to dedicate a portion of it as the a final resting place of for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. But in a larger sense we can not dedicate—we can not consecrate—we can not hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our ^poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember, what we say here, but can never forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated here to the unfinished ^work which they have, thus far, so nobly carried on. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before ^us—that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to the that cause for which they here gave gave the last full measure of devotion—that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain; that this nation shall have a new birth of freedom; and that this government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth. Everrett Copy Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth upon this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived, and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives, that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate—we cannot consecrate—we cannot hallow—this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember, what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here, have, thus far, so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us—that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they here gave the last full measure of devotion—that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain—that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom—and that, government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth. Bancroft Copy Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth, on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived, and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting-place for those who here gave their lives, that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate—we can not consecrate—we can not hallow—this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us—that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they here gave the last full measure of devotion—that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain—that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom—and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth. 5 其他相关 市井传说 一个广为流传的传言称， 林肯 于演说结束后，转向其 随扈 瓦德·希尔·拉蒙（Ward Hill Lamon），评述自己的演说犹如败犁，‘不可扒梳’。据盖瑞·威尔斯所言，这种说法毫无事实根据，大部分是来自拉蒙不可靠的记忆。依威尔斯的观点，‘（ 林肯 ）已达其欲成（于葛底斯堡）者’。 另一个始终不息的市井传言为， 林肯 于自 华盛顿 至葛底斯堡的火车旅程上完成讲稿，且写就于信封背面。这是基于先前多份手稿流通，以及 林肯 于大卫·威尔斯宅中作客期间定稿的报导而外加的故事。 另外，有传言说葛底斯堡的治丧委员会原本预期 林肯 会讲得比这场葛底斯堡演说要长一些。其实当地所有人都知道（或应该知道） 总统 当日的角色实属次要。唯一一帧已知 林肯 摄于葛底斯堡的相片，由摄影大师大卫·巴克拉区（David Bachrach）所摄，于1952年在美国国家档案及文件总署（National Archives and Records Administration, NARA）里， 马修· 布雷迪 （Mathew Brady）收集的照相底片中，为人认出。因 林肯 的演说为时短暂且或须防止于演说中途被拍多帧照片， 总统 与其他诸位要人于进行余下仪式时枯坐数小时。 国会图书馆中的各讲稿副本封装于特殊设计、恒温控制、充填氩气密封的容器中。以保护该文件不受氧化及继续变性。 关于中译文 1919 年， 孙文 在《文言本三民主义》中译：“ 林肯 氏曰：“为民而有，为民而治，为民而享”者，斯乃人民之政府也。有如此之政府，而民者始真为一国之主也。”1921年6月，孙文演说《三民主义之具体办法》时说，“这句话的中文意思，没有适当的译文，兄弟就把它译作：民有、民治、民享。of the people就是民有，by the people就是民治，for the people就是民享。 林肯 所主张的这民有、民治和民享主义，就是兄弟所主张底民族、 民权 和民生主义！” 徐道邻 在 中译这篇演说时，将of the people, by the people, for the people译成“民有、民治、民享”，应是根据孙文的中译而来的。他又加以题解：“其论民主政治之真谛，以三介词阐发无剩义，尤为神来之笔。他人千言 万语徒为词费矣。”，不过钱歌川在《英文疑难详解》一书中曾对这样的中译方式提出质疑。 大众文化的演说 --- 大众文化中的葛底斯堡演说 林肯纪念堂刻有葛底斯堡全文 美国大众文化中不断出现葛底斯堡演说，其于 美国历史 上的重要性一再受强调。其卓越的地位不但表现在被镂刻于 华盛顿 特区的 林肯纪念堂 中，石建内殿的南壁；葛底斯堡演说更经常出现于大众文化产品中，明示当代的观众对这些词句相当熟悉。 其范例包括 马瑞 迪斯·威尔逊（Meredith Willson）1957年的音乐剧《 欢乐音乐妙无穷 》（The Music Man），其 河边镇 镇长一贯地以‘八十…’（Four score…）起头，然后便被打断，直到下一次又轮到他以同样的台词起头。1967年的音乐剧〈毛发〉（Hair）有首歌叫做‘艾比宝贝/八十’（Abie Baby/Fourscore），涉及 林肯 遇刺，并将葛底斯堡演说以讽刺性的方式表现出来。在1989年电影《 阿比阿弟的冒险 》（Bill and Ted's Excellent Adventure）中， 亚伯拉罕· 林肯 被从事时光旅行的主角自过去劫走，并对圣迪 玛斯 高中的学生发表这般的演说：‘八十有七分钟前。’1999年电影《白宫也疯狂》（Dick）中，饰演贝西与爱琳的角色说道：‘八十又七年前我们祖先（our forefather）干了些我不知道的事。’这是一个 林肯 的实际用语‘吾辈先祖’（our fathers）常遭误用的例子。 词条图册 更多图册 词条图片(8 张) 1 /1 参考资料 1 ． 葛底斯堡演说 ．维基百科 ． 2 ． 葛底斯堡演说 ．维基百科 ． http://baike.baidu.com/link?url=l6s5d_6mBTI_9n72uHA91UlHiidBlkLhw6pSzQLW1kQoCYtgYrXu1D1mW72rrG-J
（网络照片） 看了两遍电影《林肯》，一遍在电影院，一遍在飞机上。尽管我比较喜欢看动作片， 不用动脑子，让人放松，偶尔也会看一下比较深沉的电影。让我看两遍的电影很少，文革中的地雷战、地道战、白毛女不算，早年的有《少林寺》，最近的就是《林肯》了。这类电影虽然没有那么热闹，但可以长点见识。第一次看时没有背景知识，看得不明白。后来读了点东西，再看时就好多了。非常喜欢丹尼尔·戴-刘易斯的精湛表演，在灰暗、冷色的光影背景中，行动有点缓慢的林肯，用一种柔和的方式，去实现一个巨大的政治企图。他很好地诠释了林肯的特质：化敌为友，坚定而又不咄咄逼人，以及他的远见。这是我会第二遍去看这个电影的一个主要原因。 历史中的事情，现在很多都说不清了，即使美国这种没有什么历史的国度，也是如此，更不要说有几千年文明的中国。哪件事情曾经说清楚过？历史这个小姑娘，只好任人打扮。《林肯》中的各种政治把戏就不说了，科学网上最近数学是个热门话题，就说一下《林肯》中的欧氏几何。 《林肯》的一个核心场面，是在上图中那个空荡荡的电报房里，林肯和两个学工科的电报员在对话。那时林肯面对着一个政治决策，是否要邀请南方的和谈代表到白宫来，以达到立即停火的和平。但一旦和谈成功，废除奴役宪法十三号修正案，就可能会在众院搁浅。在这个决定历史的背景中，自学了些欧氏几何的林肯，在昏暗安静的电报房里，和两位年轻人有了下面这样些对话： “ 欧氏公理第一条是这样的：和同一个物体相等的两个物体相等 。这是一个数学推理法则。它是真实的，因为它管用 , 过去如此，将来也如此。欧几里德在他的书中说它是不言自明的。明白吧，在那本两千年前的有关机械规律的书中，就是这么说的。 和同一个物体相等的两个物体相等是 不言自明的真理。” 在这段台词中，英文中的“thing ” 是个很微妙的词。作为一个数学定律，它理应译成“量”： 和同一个量相等的两个量相等 。但在电影里的人话中，要是译成“量”有点不靠谱。 林肯讲完这段话后，修改了电文，没有邀请和谈代表来白宫，以强化在众院通过十三号修正案的力度。发出电文后，他缓缓走入一片昏暗中，背影慢慢暗淡下去，余音绕梁的一个镜头。拿流血的战争、或者说拿人命来赌宪法十三号修正案，这样的决定，不是容易做的。 电影剧本是 Tony Kushner 写的，作为现代人，他可以在自己的创作中，用电影中林肯的嘴巴来讲自己的话，所以电影里的事不能太当真。林肯自学了些 欧氏几何大概是有史据的。但 编剧的创作中，可以看出作者不是很了解 欧氏几何。那本两千年前的书，中文译为《几何原本》，最早的中文译本是1607年意大利传教士利玛窦和中国学者徐光启翻译的《原本》前六卷。这本书是关于几何、关于数学的规律，而不是关于机械的规律（mechanical law ）。隔行如隔山，细微之处见真章。 此外， 编剧显然想在这里和《独立宣言》中的那个著名的论述相联系： “ We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed. ” 这一段我翻译不出来，也不敢翻，照抄比较省事。欧氏几何的公理和独立宣言中的表述没有什么靠谱的关系，但我想观众能够理解，拍电影的人想传达一个概念：白人是人，黑人也是人，同是人的白人黑人“相等”。政治家讲逻辑的不多，看来还是讲一点比较好。就他们各自面对的议题来看，我个人的看法是，政治家的林肯可以和生物学家的达尔文相比较。 马克思是这样评价林肯的：“不为逆境之威而卑，不以成功之惑而亢，不懈追寻之努力，不急虚妄之妥协，步步为营，进而不复行；不随众拥而动，不为众兴而懈；仁心之闪烁，铸威严之行；幽默之莞尔，明黑暗之境；驭重任于虚怀与平常心，如天子事微以雷霆万钧; 一言以蔽之：奇人乃至伟人，未有泯灭良心。如斯大者善者之谦卑，叹其卒而后为天下视为英雄兮。” 老马，别在意我这老气横秋的翻译，怎么说才好，见面时再议。 截自： ： EUCLID’S ELEMENTS OF GEOMETRY -The Greek text ofJ.L. Heiberg (1883–1885) from Euclidis Elementa, edidit et Latine interpretatusest I.L. Heiberg, in aedibus B.G. Teubneri, 1883–1885; edited, and providedwith a modern English translation, by Richard Fitzpatrick (2007) 截自：兰纪正，朱恩宽译《几何原本》－ 2003山西科学技术出版社。 电影中林肯的对白： “Euclid's first common notion is this: Things which are equal to the same thing are equal to each other. That's a rule of mathematical reasoning. It's true because it works, has done and always will do. In his book, Euclid says this is self-evident. You see, there it is, even in that 2,000-year-old book of mechanical law. It is a self-evident truth that things which are equal to the same thing are equal to each other. ” 马克思对林肯的评语： “he was a man, neither to be browbeaten by adversity, nor intoxicated by success, inflexibly pressing on to his great goal, never compromising it by blind haste, slowly maturing his steps, never retracing them, carried away by no surge of popular favor, disheartened by no slackening of the popular pulse, tempering stern acts by the gleams of a kind heart, illuminating scenes dark with passion by the smile of humor, doing his titanic work as humbly and homely as Heaven-born rulers do little things with the grandiloquence of pomp andstate; in one word, one of the rare men who succeed in becoming great, without ceasing to be good. Such, indeed, was the modesty of this great and good man, that the world only discovered him a hero after he had fallen a martyr.”
美国第16任总统林肯说：“ You can fool some of the people all of the time, and all of the people some of the time, but you can not fool all of the people all of the time.” Abraham Lincoln , (attributed) 16th president of US (1809 - 1865) 推荐林垦这段话用于科学家的城市的座右铭！一名科学家一定要牢记林垦先生的这段话 同时，最好也要记住马克思的这段话： There is no royal road to science,and only those who do not dread the fatiguing climb of its steep paths have a chance of gaining its luminous summits Economic Manuscripts: Capital Vol. I - 1872 Preface 记住上述两段话让人能够认命，且会培养职业素养。
达尔文和林肯的共同之处 武夷山 2009 年 2 月 12 日是达尔文诞辰 200 周年，这一天出版的《自然》杂志发表社评 Humanity and Evolution （人类与进化），社评说： 达尔文和林肯的共同之处，不仅是同一天出生（ 1809 年 2 月 12 日），还体现在另外三个方面：都是少年丧母；都获得了不朽的英名；都对受奴役之苦的人群极其关怀。当时社会的主导观念是，不同种族生来不平等是正常的。林肯的废奴壮举大家都知道。达尔文也认为应该废除奴隶制，他的认识是：既然所有人都拥有共同祖先，并从那里逐渐进化到今天，那么，所有人都是兄弟。 原文如下（ http://www.nature.com/nature/journal/v457/n7231/full/457763a.html ）： Editorial Nature 457 , 763-764 (12 February 2009) | doi:10.1038/457763a ; Published online 11 February 2009 Humanity and evolution See associated Correspondence: Kutschera, Nature 458 , 967 (April 2009) Top of page Abstract Charles Darwin's thinking about the natural world was profoundly influenced by his revulsion for slavery. Although history is not made entirely, or even mostly, by prominent men and women, two great exceptions to that rule were born exactly 200 years ago today, on 12 February 1809: Charles Darwin and Abraham Lincoln. These men shared more than just a birthday, the loss of a mother in childhood and a date with immortality. They shared a position on one of the great issues of their age: the 'peculiar and powerful interest' of their fellow humans bound in slavery. When he circled the world in the 1830s, Darwin's delight at our planet's natural riches was repeatedly poisoned by the cruelties he saw meted out to slaves. "I thank God, I shall never again visit a slave-country," he wrote at the end of the Voyage of the Beagle . A new historical study, Darwin's Sacred Cause by Adrian Desmond and James Moore (see page 792 ), seeks to unite Darwin's revulsion at slavery with his scientific work. It was common at the time to believe that the different races of men had been created separate and unequal. But the abolitionist beliefs that Darwin derived from his family, friends and social setting strongly disposed him to the idea that all men — Englishman and Hottentot, freeman and slave — were brothers united in shared ancestry. The ability to see that unity-in-variety was, Desmond and Moore argue, one of the things that allowed him to perceive something similar in the natural world as a whole. As Darwin wrote in an 1838 notebook, "I cannot help thinking good analogy might be traced between relationship of all men now living the classification of animals." When Darwin sketched life's common descent as a family tree, it was because he believed in a family tree for humans — a belief in common kinship that was not a disinterested scientific finding, but rather an expression of moral and political persuasion. Darwin's thought always extended beyond the natural world. His ideas always had, and were meant to have, a social dimension. Lessons from history For all Darwin's noble ambitions, the century and a half since On the Origin of Species have shown how easily his image of a fiercely competitive world can be used to bolster pre-existing positions of power and privilege with buttresses of support that seem founded in an impartial consideration of the natural world. The history of arguments about humanity based on biology — both Darwin's biology and that of others who have come after — provides a sorry rehearsal of pretexts and apologias for everything from unthinking prejudice to forced sterilization and genocide (see page 786 ). This history counsels caution as ever deeper and subtler forays into the science of human nature become possible. Deciphering the traces of natural selection in the human genome (see page 776 ), and dissecting the genetics of neurobiology and behaviour promise a new, more detailed and complex sense of how of how evolution has given human nature a definite biological form — while at the same time throwing new light on just how deeply biology can be influenced by society and culture. This is a rich field for research in both the natural and the social sciences, especially in the form of new collaborations between them (see page 780 ). It is vital, however, that this new knowledge should be judged by far higher standards than the ideology passed off as biology that blighted so much of the twentieth century. Scientists have beliefs about what is right and wrong, just like everyone else. And try as they may to put them to one side — some try hard, some not so much — those beliefs will influence the way they do science, and the questions they ask and fail to ask. The scientific enterprise as a whole has to pay particular heed to the risk that preconceptions will creep in whenever what is being said about human nature has political or social implications. This is particularly the case when science begins to look, as moral psychology is doing, at the mechanisms by which people make decisions about right or wrong. Here it becomes peculiarly hard — and at the same time especially important — to resist the 'naturalistic fallacy' of inferring what ought to be from what is. Science may be able to tell us why some values are more easily held than others. But it cannot tell us whether taking the easy path in terms of which values we espouse is the right thing to do. In fact, it provides us with a worked example to the contrary. The scientific endeavour itself is founded on values which natural selection would have seemed unlikely to foist on a bunch of violent, gregarious upright apes. Science tries to place no trust in authority; to some extent, society has to. Science tries to define its membership on the basis of inclusion, rather than exclusion; work on altruism suggests, worryingly, that communities more normally need an outgroup to form against. Science insists on the value of truth even when it is inconvenient or harmful; most people's beliefs tend to reinforce their self-interest. In this unnaturalness lies the great strength of science. It is from this it derives its power as a way of understanding the world. And this is also what allows it, at its best, to resist, not reinforce, mores and prejudices that pose as truths of nature. This demanding, artificial code is what gives engaged, passionate and all-too-fallible human beings the collective power to produce results that are dispassionate, objective and reliable. And if science stays true to that code, it can act as a stern restraint on anyone seeking to go from the study of how people evolved to conclusions about how they should be treated now — to go, that is, against the values that both Darwin and Lincoln espoused. Science can never prove humans alike in dignity, or equally deserving under the law; that is a truth that cannot be discovered. Like the ideals of malice towards none and charity towards all, it is something that must be made real through communal will.
亲爱的同胞们： 今天我站在这里，为我们将面对的任重道远而慨叹。感谢你们对我寄托的信任，同时缅怀我们的前人所做出的牺牲。感谢布什总统为美国做出的贡献，以及他在总统任期交叠过程中的慷慨合作。 至此，共有四十四位美国人曾进行过总统宣誓。这一誓言曾在国家和平、欣欣向荣时做出过。然而这一誓词更曾在乌云笼罩和风暴袭来之时被宣读。美国人民之所以能够走过那些艰难的时刻，不仅仅是因为领袖的能力或远见；更是因为我们，我们人民，保持着对先人理想的忠诚，对我们国家创始文件的追随。 对于我们这一代美国人来说，也是这样，也必须这样。 国家正面临危机，这一点大家已经没有疑问。美国处在战争之中，面对一个有巨大影响力、充满暴力和仇恨的网络。我们的经济严重衰退。这来源于部分人的贪婪和不负责任，更由于作为一个整体，我们未能做出面对一个新时代的艰难决策。人民失去房屋、工作机会减少、商业活动遭到破坏。医疗保障过于昂贵，学校教育系统出现太多失败。而我们对能源的使用，日益让对手强大，与此同时又威胁着我们的星球。 这些，是从数据和统计中可以看到的危机信号。还有难以度量但同样深远的问题，那就是整个国家信心的缺失。那萦绕在我们头上的恐惧，认为美国的衰败不可避免，认为我们的下一代人不可能再有太高的期望。 今天我要对你们说，我们面临的挑战是真切的、严重的，而且有很多重。解决他们不可能很轻松，也不可能在短时间内发生。但美国人民，请记住这一点：这些挑战会被解决。 今天，我们聚集在一起，因为我们选择了希望而不是恐惧；我们选择了为共同的目标团结在一起，而不是冲突与争执。 今天，我们共同终结那些虚假的承诺、陈腐的教条、以及指摘与怨言。这些已经困扰了我们的政治体系太长时间。 我们的国家仍旧年轻，但借用圣经中的话，该是抛开那些孩子气的时候了。现在，需要重新拿出我们的坚韧精神，选择自己的历史。我们要延续代代相传的宝贵礼物，延续神圣的理想，那就是上帝赐予我们的承诺－－人人平等，人人自由，人人都有机会去追求最大程度的幸福。 在重温我们国家伟大的同时，我们必须明白，伟大不是凭空而来的，而是赢得的。在我们的历程中，从来没有走捷径或是退而求其次。这一历程不是为懦弱者准备的，不是为那些享乐高于工作、只知追求名利的人准备的。相反，是那些甘于承担风险的人，实干家，创造者－－有些众人皆知，而更多的在辛勤工作中默默无闻－－是他们带着我们穿越漫长、崎岖的道路走向繁荣与自由。 为了我们，他们把仅有的财物装进行囊，漂洋过海追求新的生活。 为了我们，他们开拓西部，在条件恶劣的工厂中流血流汗；他们忍受鞭笞，开垦贫瘠的土地。 为了我们，他们战斗和牺牲在协和镇（Concord）、葛底斯堡（Gettysburg）、诺曼底和科萨恩(KheSahn)。 一次又一次，这些男男女女，他们奋斗和牺牲；他们将双手磨破为了给我们带来更好的生活。在他们眼中，美国超越了我们每个人雄心的总和，超越了个人、财富和派系的差别。 今天，我们仍在这样的历程上。我们仍旧是地球上最繁荣、最强大的国家。美国工人们的效率并不比危机开始之前低。我们的头脑具有同样的创造力。我们的产品与服务和上周、上月、或者去年一样有需求。我们的能力从未被削弱。但墨守陈规、维护狭隘的利益、面对艰难的决策畏首畏尾的日子将一去不复返了。从今天开始，我们必须重新找回我们自己，掸去身上的尘土，开始重塑美国的重任。 环顾四周，有无数工作等着我们。经济状况期待着我们大胆和快速的行动。我们会付诸行动－－不仅仅是创造就业机会，同时还要为未来的增长打下新的基础。我们将建设公路、桥梁和电网，以及将我们紧密联系起来、提供商业信息的数字高速公路。我们会重新树立科学应有的地位，并利用技术手段提高医疗保障的质量，同时降低其费用。我们将利用太阳、风与土壤，来驱动我们的汽车和工厂。我们将改革我们的学校和大学，以满足新时代的需要。这些都有可能实现，更会去实现。 现在，有人还在怀疑我们的信心──他们认为我们的国家无法承担这样的重大计划。他们太健忘了，他们忘记了这个国家曾经取得的成就，他们忘记了当拥有了理想、共同的目标和必要的勇气，这些自由的人民曾经取得的辉煌成就。 这些愤世嫉俗的人无法理解这个国家所发生的转变──那些陈腐的政治已经缠绕了我们太久太长。我们现在面临的问题不是政府太大还是太小，而是政府所扮演的角色──应该帮助家庭获得体面的收入，购买他们的所需，有尊严地退休。当这些答案都是肯定的时，我们才能继续前进。如果答案是否定的，一切都将不复存在。我们这些管理公共财产的人应该负起责任──把钱花在刀刃上、改掉恶习、光明正大地行事──因为只有这样我们才能重塑人民和政府之间的信任。 市场力量的好坏不是我们的问题。市场在创造财富和推进自由进程方面是无可代替的，但是这场危机也提醒了我们没有审慎的监管，市场的力量将如野马一样脱缰──一个仅有财富的国家不可能持续繁荣。我们在经济上所取得的成功不仅体现在我们的经济总量上，也体现在我们的繁荣程度上，体现在我们为每个渴望成功的心灵所提供的机会上─这并非出自恻隐之心，而是我们实现共同利益的必经之路。 我们拒绝在安全和理想之间妥协。我们的建国先辈们，面对我们无法想象的凶险，却依然用几代人的鲜血维护了神圣的法律和人权。那些理想依然在照亮着这个世界，我们不会因一时的困难而放弃这些理想。我要对那些正在看着我们的国家和人民说，无论你身处繁华的都市还是像养育了我父亲那样的小村庄：对于那些追求和平与尊严的男人、女人和孩子，美国将永远是你们的朋友，我们将继续和你们一起前进。 我们是这种传统的捍卫者。我们继续追寻这些信念的指引，我们将直面这些挑战并更加努力─更多的沟通与合作。我们会负责地将伊拉克还给当地的人民，并在阿富汗保卫来之不易的和平。我们将与老朋友和原来的敌人一道，共同消除核威胁，解决全球变暖的根源。我们不会为自己的做法道歉，更不会动摇捍卫和平的决心，对于那些崇尚恐怖、滥杀无辜的人，我们的精神是强大而不可战胜的。你拖不垮我们，我们将会打败你。 我们多种族混居是一种优势。我们是一个由基督徒、穆斯林、犹太教徒、印度教徒和无神论者共同组成的国家。我们吸收了各种文化的精髓，从世界的每个角落学习。因为我们经历过内战和种族隔离的痛苦洗礼，并在黑暗中更加坚强和团结，我们无法保证，但是我们相信憎恨终将消弭，分隔终将散去。随着世界越来越紧密地联系在一起，我们共同的人性将显露出来，美国必须承担引领新时代和平的重任。 对于穆斯林世界，我们将基于共同的利益和信仰，寻找更好的合作之路。对于那些在世界各个地方挑起冲突或一味批评西方不良影响的领导者：你的人民评判你的依据是你建立了什么，而不是破坏了什么。对于那些依靠腐败和欺骗并压制异议而追求权利的人们：你们站在了人类历史的对立面。如果你们能张开紧握的拳头，我们也将伸出友谊之手。 对于那些贫穷的人们，我们保证和你们一起建设繁茂的农场和干净的水源，滋养那些饥寒交迫的身体和心灵。对于那些与我们一样相对富裕的国家，我们不能再对外界的苦难漠不关心，更不能继续大肆索取世界的资源。世界必须改变，我们都必须改变。 当我们审视前方的道路时，我们会感激那些跨越千山万水来到这里的人们。今天，他们有话对我们说，也是安息在阿林顿国家公墓里的先烈们时刻提醒我们的。我们尊敬他们不仅因为是他们捍卫了我们的自由，更因为他们正是奉献精神的化身；他们致力于寻找远高于自身的生命真谛。而此时，在这个特殊的时代，我们更需让这种精神长存。 因为归根结底，政府所能做的，也是必须做到的，是体现每个美国人的信念和决心，这也是这个国家赖以生存的精神力量。这种力量是洪灾泛滥时，陌生人之间的温暖善举；是经济困难时期，人们自损利益保全朋友工作的无私忘我。这是消防员们毅然冲入浓烟火海的勇气，也是父母培养孩子的无私之心，这些都决定了我们的命运。 或许，我们今日遇到挑战前所未有，所有的情况完全陌生。但是，我们赖以走向成功的价值观从未改变诚实、勤勉、勇敢、公正、宽容、好学、忠贞和爱国。我们的历史亦由这些真理推进，亘古不变。如今，我们面对的是一个全新的责任时代人人都需重视，对我们自己，我们的国家乃至整个世界，都有一份责任。我们会欣然接受这份责任，人生也正因此而充实。 这是公民的价值和承诺。 这是我们信心的源泉上帝赐予我们知识以应对无常的命运。 这是我们所崇尚的自由与信念的真谛这就是为什么今天，不同肤色，不同信仰的男女老少在此汇聚一堂；这就是为什么六十年前，一位父亲走入餐厅甚至无人理睬，而今天他的儿子可以站在这里，在你们面前许下最庄严的誓言。 所以让我们记住这一天，记住自己，记住为此的付出。在我们的国家诞生之初，先辈们在最寒冷的日子里，围聚在结冰的河边靠微弱的篝火取暖。离乡背井，后有敌军，鲜血染红了白雪。就在革命的道路如此模糊，意志也开始踌躇之时，我们的国父有这样几句话： 告诉未来的世界当一切陷入寒冬，万物俱灭，只有希望和勇气可以长存这座城市和这个国家，在共同的危机下团结起来，共同面对前方的艰难。 美国，面对我们共同的危机，在这艰难的寒冬，让我们牢记那些永恒的字句。怀着希望和美德，让我们再一次勇敢地面对冰冷的现实，迎接任何可能的风浪。让我们的子孙传唱，当我们面对挑战时，我们没有怯懦、没有退缩，更没有踟蹰不前。我们在上帝的关爱下眺望远方，我们在自由的道路上继续前进，我们的精神将永远闪耀着光芒。 My fellow citizens: I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition. Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often, the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebearers, and true to our founding documents. So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans. That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet. These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land -- a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights. Watch the historic inauguration of Barack Obama with CNN and the best political team on TV Live coverage all day Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America: They will be met. On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord. On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn-out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics. We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness. In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the fainthearted -- for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things -- some celebrated, but more often men and women obscure in their labor -- who have carried us up the long, rugged path toward prosperity and freedom. For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life. For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth. For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn. Time and again, these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction. This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions -- that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America. For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act -- not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. And all this we will do. Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions -- who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage. What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them -- that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works -- whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. And those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account -- to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day -- because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government. Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control -- and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart -- not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good. As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: Know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more. Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint. We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort -- even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you. For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus -- and nonbelievers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace. To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West: Know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist. To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it. As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us today, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment -- a moment that will define a generation -- it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all. For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate. Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends -- hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism -- these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility -- a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation and the world; duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task. This is the price and the promise of citizenship. This is the source of our confidence -- the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny. This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed -- why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent Mall, and why a man whose father less than 60 years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath. So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people: Let it be told to the future world ... that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive... that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet . America. In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested, we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back, nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.
标签: 林肯
