On October 13, 2011, Libya resumed natural gas exports to Italy via the 340-mile, Greenstream Pipeline (Greenstream), which is jointly owned by the Eni S.p.A. and the National Oil Company of Libya. Natural gas delivery imports to Sicily, Italy, at the Gela receipt point, are now about 150 million cubic feet per day (MMcf/d). http://www.eia.gov/todayinenergy/detail.cfm?id=3570
看到下面的这封信，我对那些千方百计要维护卡扎菲政权的人感到愤慨，难道这样的一个独裁者还值得我们同情？ 人人生而平等，无论是高贵的血统还是贫贱的生命，这是一个人民共和国最重要的标志。 我不知道那些仇恨民主的人们，那些视个人基本权力为粪土的狂热分子，你们的脑袋是长在屁股上、别人的蛊惑中，还是长在自己的良知里？ 附：一个普通人给赛义夫的信 我比你年轻三年。由于你父亲的逼迫我和家人被迫离开利比亚。我在利比亚生活的最早回忆之一是在一个下午电视里看到由于反对你父亲被当众吊死的人。我记得这些事，我不是心理医生，但我几乎可以肯定，把杀人当做平常事的人不会是一个心里健康的人。 我想跟你说：在这个世界上，人是有尊严的。当你在财富每天增长，我却来到一个陌生的国家，我和我的家人远离那些我们曾经爱过的人。当你的司机和保镖开车送你去学校，我和哥哥学会每天早上小心翼翼步行到学校，以确保您的父亲没有派人跟着我们。 我很幸运我父母还活着，我记得儿时的朋友，他的父亲被你的家人称为暴徒杀害。我记得他的父亲是个温柔，热情和有趣的人。我记得他因为诚实，热情和善良让人们喜欢。但是他被你家人残酷杀害，只因为他不同意你父亲的做法。 你说过要把利比亚带往文明社会，但是在这样一国家，在根本不尊重人生命的你父亲领导下如何能实现。您的主张更像是为你的家人开脱，让人民流血来换取对你们的服从，在您家人财源滚滚的时候，几乎一半的利比亚人每天生活标准低于2美元。 你让我们大方一些，然而，你的家人对待这个国家的人民何曾慷慨过。过去几周我们已经看到了无数利比亚家庭失去亲人，不管他们是身无分文的年轻人或是全副武装对抗你们的人，还是那位冒着冒着生命危险揭露被军队轮奸的女子。 你究竟有没有想过他们为什么要将自己牺牲，他们是为了什么？或是你认为你家人的生命超过他们？你的生命不比别人高贵，你可以选择成为一个普通人，或者你可以选择保护你的特权，因为你早把特权当成习惯。 我曾经担心过自己，但我现在不害怕了。如果您选择继续拒绝我们作为人类应有的权利，我个人将继续斗争，用一切手段，只要需要我去做，直到我们获得自由。我有我的目标，我的目标是实现我的祖国和人民获得自由。你的目标是维护你的个人财富和权力，就让我们为了各自的目标战斗或死亡吧。 Saif al-Islam, I am three years younger than you. My family was forced to leave Libya due to your father’s habit of hanging those who contradicted him or torturing them to death under conditions that most sane people would prefer never to imagine. One of my earliest memories of life in Libya is of watching cartoons on television one afternoon. These were interrupted without warning by images of a man being hanged in what I seem to remember was a sports arena of some kind. Your father’s supporters were competing to swing from his struggling legs. For a long time I chose to interpret the behaviour of these sociopaths as some form of desperate mercy – I convinced myself they were trying to limit the victim’s suffering. It was many years before I understood that they were in fact trying to catch your father’s attention. They wanted to prove they were ruthless and unforgiving enough to be considered true disciples of your father’s narcissistic cult. True to form, your father rewarded people like Huda Ben Amr and Moussa Koussa with power, wealth and impunity. As I remember these things, I wonder how you must have learned to interpret the brutality you witnessed around you as you grew up. There’s no way I can blame you for the crimes your father committed before your birth and during your childhood. I’m no psychiatrist, but I’m almost certain that being raised by a man for whom murder was part of daily business does not qualify as a healthy upbringing. I can therefore give you credit for being the only one in your family to have ever expressed an awareness that there exists in the world such a thing as human dignity – even if your realisation seems to have been based on a desire to ensure that the country you inherited would look shiny, new and modern. While you grew up in wealth and security, I watched my parents struggle to raise my siblings and me in a strange country, far away from those they had loved and depended upon their entire lives. While your chauffeur and bodyguards drove you to school, my brother and I learned to vary our morning walk to the school gate so as to ensure none of your father’s men were following us. Though I am lucky enough to still have my parents, I remember the grief of a childhood friend whose father was murdered by thugs seeking your family’s patronage. I remember his father as being gentle, hospitable and funny. I remember that he won people’s confidence by being honest, warm and kind. I wonder if you’re really aware what any of those words mean. I know he loved his family dearly and had been forced into exile for the crime of speaking his mind. He could not possibly have been a threat to you or your family and yet he was murdered in your name. I recall all these things when I hear people arguing that you should have a role in leading Libya to democracy. It makes me wonder what you and your champions think democracy actually is. Your former associate, Benjamin Barber, says we must “open the door” to the “democrat” and “patriot” in you. I myself have never required anyone to open such avenues for me. I’ve somehow learned through experience that respect for other human beings is the only way I can earn the right to live among them. You and your advocates may not be aware that those who must be coaxed and lured into respecting the human rights of others are often not allowed to live freely within a civilised society, let alone lead it. Your advocates appear keen to find ways of absolving you and blaming your victims for the bloodshed you promised us as an alternative to obedience. I struggle to imagine how they stretch the word “democrat” to encompass a person who kills those who won’t bow to him. Or how the word “patriot” can be applied to a man who fritters away wealth that does not belong to him while almost half of Libya lives on less than $2 per day. Let us be generous, however, and take seriously the assertion that you are torn between your family and your country. Let us also leave aside what any court of law on the planet would make of a man whose defence for complicity in mass murder is “my dad told me to”. The past few weeks have seen countless Libyans, with far more to lose than you, make the choice between family and country. Whether they were penniless young men fighting against your brothers’ heavily armed brigades, or Iman al-Obeidi risking her life to expose the abuse she suffered at the hands of your father’s forces, or even Moussa Koussa – the man who terrorised my childhood – leaving his family behind in order to defect from your father. What exactly is it that would make your sacrifice greater or more worthy of consideration than theirs? No further doors need to be opened for you. You are not that special. You can choose to walk through the same door as the rest of us, or you can choose to protect the privilege and power to which you’ve become accustomed. That is the only choice there is. I grew up in fear of your father and your family, but I’m not afraid any more. If you choose to continue to reject our rights as humans, I for one will continue to fight you with every means at my disposal for as long as it takes, until we are free. But I have an advantage. My aim is the freedom of my country and my people, which will be achieved whether or not I live to see it. Your aim is your personal wealth and power, which lives and dies with you. http://feb17.info /
Hugs From Libyans by Nicholas D. Kristof This may be a first for the Arab world: An American airman who bailed out over Libya was rescued from his hiding place in a sheep pen by villagers who hugged him, served him juice and thanked him effusively for bombing their country. Even though some villagers were hit by American shrapnel, one gamely told an Associated Press reporter that he bore no grudges. Then, on Wednesday in Benghazi, the major city in eastern Libya whose streets would almost certainly be running with blood now if it weren’t for the American-led military intervention, residents held a “thank you rally.” They wanted to express gratitude to coalition forces for helping save their lives. Doubts are reverberating across America about the military intervention in Libya. Those questions are legitimate, and the uncertainties are huge. But let’s not forget that a humanitarian catastrophe has been averted for now and that this intervention looks much less like the 2003 invasion of Iraq than the successful 1991 gulf war to rescue Kuwait from Iraqi military occupation. This is also one of the few times in history when outside forces have intervened militarily to save the lives of citizens from their government. More commonly, we wring our hands for years as victims are massacred, and then, when it is too late, earnestly declare: “Never again.” In 2005, the United Nations approved a new doctrine called the “responsibility to protect,” nicknamed R2P, declaring that world powers have the right and obligation to intervene when a dictator devours his people. The Libyan intervention is putting teeth into that fledgling concept, and here’s one definition of progress: The world took three-and-a-half years to respond forcefully to the slaughter in Bosnia, and about three-and-a-half weeks to respond in Libya. Granted, intervention will be inconsistent. We’re more likely to intervene where there are also oil or security interests at stake. But just as it’s worthwhile to feed some starving children even if we can’t reach them all, it’s worth preventing some massacres or genocides even if we can’t intervene every time. I opposed the 2003 Iraq invasion because my reporting convinced me that most Iraqis hated Saddam Hussein but didn’t want American forces intruding on their soil. This time my reporting persuades me that most Libyans welcome outside intervention. “Opinion was unanimous,” Michel Gabaudan, the president of Refugees International , told me on Wednesday after a visit to Libya. Mr. Gabaudan said that every Libyan he spoke to agreed that the military strikes had averted “a major humanitarian disaster.” “Men, women and children, they are ecstatic about the role of the coalition but worried that it may not continue,” he said. Some Congressional critics complain that President Obama should have consulted Congress more thoroughly. Fair enough. But remember that the intervention was almost too late because forces loyal to Col. Muammar el-Qaddafi were already in Benghazi. Indeed, there was a firefight on Sunday right outside the hotel in Benghazi where foreign journalists are staying. A couple of days of dutiful consultation would have resulted in a bloodbath and, perhaps, the collapse of the rebel government. Just before the airstrikes, Libyans were crossing the border into Egypt at seven times the normal rate. Once the strikes began, the exodus ended and the flow reversed. For all the concern about civilian casualties, Libyans are voting with their feet — going toward the airstrikes because they feel safer thanks to them. Critics of the intervention make valid arguments. It’s true that there are enormous uncertainties: Can the rebels now topple Colonel Qaddafi? What’s the exit strategy? How much will this cost? But weighed against those uncertainties are a few certainties: If not for this intervention, Libyan civilians would be dying on a huge scale; Colonel Qaddafi’s family would be locked in place for years; and the message would have gone out to all dictators that ruthlessness works. The momentum has reversed. More airstrikes on Colonel Qaddafi’s artillery and armor will help. So would jamming his radio and television broadcasts. Arab countries are already delivering weapons and ammunition to the rebels, boosting their capabilities and morale. In short, there are risks ahead but also opportunities. A senior White House official says that the humanitarian argument was decisive for President Obama: “The president was chilled by what would happen to the people of Benghazi and Tobruk. There were critical national security and national interest reasons to do this, but what compelled the president to act so quickly was the immediate prospect of mass atrocities against the people of Benghazi and the east. He was well aware of the risks of military action, but he also feared the costs of inaction.” I’ve seen war up close, and I detest it. But there are things I’ve seen that are even worse — such as the systematic slaughter of civilians as the world turns a blind eye. Thank God that isn’t happening this time. I invite you to visit my blog, On the Ground . Please also join me on Facebook , watch my YouTube videos and follow me on Twitter .
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