毛泽东的非洲兄弟 -肯尼迪总统杨振宁的黑人弟兄 伟大的领袖，他的判断，决策，创造了历史，影响很多人。 炎热潮湿的一天，一棵大树阴影下你感到微风，提神醒脑，放松幸福的心情。多么艰难的历史，你觉得这是很难获得？ 毛泽东主席说过，“非洲兄弟用峤子把我们抬进联合国” 。(( 1971年10月26日，联合国大会先是否决了美国提出的恢复中国席位需要2/3多数通过的所谓重要议题提案，后来又以76票赞成、35票反对、17票弃权的压倒多数通过了由阿尔巴尼亚和阿尔及利亚等23国提出的关于恢复中国在联合国合法权利的提案。表决结果一出来，许多非洲国家代表都站起来了，热烈鼓掌。 1971年中国恢复在联合国的合法席位， 那时毛主席很感慨，说是非洲兄弟把我们抬进去的。 为什么抬你进去？ 1971年跟中国建交的国家才64个，大部分发达国家没有跟中国建交。但我们1978年就实行开放了，也就说大部分发达国家跟中国建交是在恢复了联合国合法席位之后。如果1971年不恢复联合国合法席位，78年我们能对世界开放吗？不可能。中国有今天的大发展吗？不可能。 “将欲取之，必故与之” 自私狭隘不会有朋友吴建民说，今天看虽然当时我们援助非洲花了不少钱，但是建立开放的大好局面多少钱都买不回来的。这就是老子道德经里讲的“将欲取之，必故与之”，你一毛不拔就想从人家那得到好处，这是短视的、自私狭隘的观念，那样做人都不会有朋友，何况是国家？汶川地震时不少穷国也向我们提供了援助，这是人类之间的相互友爱之情，非常可贵。 中国毕竟是一个大国，不能留给世界一个冷漠的、一毛不拔的印象。中国的发展离不开世界，捐赠是对他国表示好意，将来我有困难你也来帮助我，这是国与国之间一种平等互利的关系。跟人一样，如果你是一个自私自利的国家，大家都不会愿意跟你来往，都会防着你。 中国人应摆脱弱国心态 拥有全球化心胸和视野同时，吴建民认为. 中国花巨额外汇援建坦赞铁路 被非洲兄弟抬进联合国吴建民举例说，在中国相当困难的时候，我们帮助坦桑尼亚赞比亚修了一条铁路，花了1.5亿英镑，相当于当时中国外汇储备的三分之一，铁路建成之后，时任坦桑尼亚总统的尼雷尔说，“外国在非洲建过公路建过铁路，都是为了掠夺，但中国帮非洲修的铁路是为了非洲的发展。” ( http://news.dayoo.com/news/201112/04/85080_20792058.htm ))) 杨振宁说过 , 黑人兄弟把我们住在美国的中国人携带变为美国公民。他有一个历史的角度来看- 感谢黑人兄弟民权运动。即使诺贝尔奖获得者，他看到不公平的每一个地方。 五十年前的今天，肯尼迪总统的讲话创造了历史的一刻 。当总统的领导和基层激进创造性张力，把叙事从一个地区性问题的公民权利，成为全国促进种族平等和民主重建的故事。 1963年6月11日，肯尼迪总统的讲话,定下了民权法案基调，讲话有真正的后果。一个星期后，肯尼迪提交国会通过他的诺言--强大的公民权利立法，他不遗余力地推进，直到 1963 年 11 月他被暗杀。 肯尼迪的死亡的原因很多，在残酷的扭曲，肯尼迪的死提供了一个巨大的推动的民权法案推进力，他的继任者林登 · 约翰逊， 1964 年 7 月 2 日签署民权法案。但是，如果没有肯尼迪总统的 6 月 11 日的讲话道德的强势，，该法案可能永远都在哪里睡觉了。 今天继续共鸣。奥巴马 2008 年 3 月的 “ 种族言论， ” 如果您想了解更多的历史，读以下 : “头上刚长了一点草” 1953年年底，毛泽东去杭州，负责保卫和饮食起居的浙江省公安厅厅长王芳陪同毛泽东吃饭。席间，公安部部长罗瑞卿对王芳说：“王芳，我建议你把芳字上的草字头去掉。这个名字容易搞混，许多不知情的人还以为你是女同志呢。” “这可不行。”毛泽东放下手中的筷子说：“王芳，你是山东人，你们山东的绿化怎么样？”“刚刚起步。”“山东还有许多荒山秃岭没有绿化起来，你的头上刚长了一点草，就想把它除掉，这怎么能行！什么时候山东消灭了荒山秃岭，绿化过了关，你再把芳字草头去掉。” 毛泽东妙论“空对空” 1971年7月，基辛格秘密访华期间，发生了这样一则趣事： 一天下午，基辛格的助手、美国国家安全委员会东亚事务助理约翰·霍尔德里奇，拿着一份新华社英文新闻稿，找到了接待组负责联络的人员，他指着封面上的毛主席语录问这是怎么一回事。 联络人员一看，那段语录摘的是“全世界人民团结起来，打败美帝国主义及其一切走狗！”霍尔德里奇说：“这是从我个人的房间里搜集到的，我们希望这些新闻稿是被错误地放到了房间里。”很显然，美方误以为这是中方故意这样做的。 这件事被汇报到了周恩来和叶剑英那里。后来又向毛泽东作了汇报，毛主席听后哈哈一笑说：“去告诉他们，那是放空炮。他们不是也整天喊要消灭共产主义吗？这就算是空对空吧。” Kennedy’s Finest Moment GailAnderson and Joe Newton, Photograph by the New York Times By PENIEL E. JOSEPH Published: June 10, 2013 · MEDFORD,Mass. — JUNE 11, 1963, may not be a widely recognized date these days, but it might have been the single most important day in civil rights history. Connect With Us on Twitter ForOp-Ed, follow @nytopinion and to hear from the editorial page editor, Andrew Rosenthal,follow @andyrNYT . Thatmorning, Gov. George Wallace, in an effort to block the integration of the University of Alabama, made his futile “stand at the school house door.” That evening, Boston N.A.A.C.P. leaders engaged in their first public confrontation with Louise Day Hicks, the chairwoman of the Boston School Committee, over defacto public school segregation, beginning a decade-long struggle that would boil over into spectacular violence during the early 1970s. And just after midnight in Jackson, Miss., a white segregationist murdered the civil rights leader Medgar Evers. But themost important event was one that almost didn’t happen: a hastily arrangedspeech that evening by President John F. Kennedy. Kennedyhad dabbled with the idea of going on TV should the Alabama crisis drag out, so when it ended, his staff assumed the plan was off. But that afternoon he surprised them by calling the three networks and personally requesting airtime at 8 p.m. He told his speechwriter Theodore Sorensen to start drafting the text, but shortly before he went on air the president was still editing it. Thepresident had been routinely criticized by black leaders for being timid on civil rights, and no one knew just what to expect when the cameras started filming. Kennedy began slowly and in a matter-of-fact manner, with an announcement that the National Guard had peacefully enrolled two black students at the University of Alabama over Wallace’s vociferously racist objections. But hequickly spun that news into a plea for national unity behind what he, for thefirst time, called a “ moral issue .” It seems obvious today that civil rights should be spoken of in universal terms, but at the time many white Americans still saw it as a regional, largely political question. And yet herewas the leader of the country, asking “every American, regardless of where helives,” to “stop and examine his conscience.” Then hewent further. Speaking during the centennial of the Emancipation Proclamation —an anniversary he had assiduously avoided commemorating, earlier that year — Kennedy eloquently linked the fate ofAfrican-American citizenship to the larger question of national identity andfreedom. America, “for all its hopes and all its boasts,” observed Kennedy,“will not be fully free until all its citizens are free.” Perhaps the mostsignificant part of the speech came near the end, when Kennedy, borrowingdirectly from the movement’s rhetoric, recognized the civil rights struggle aspart of a political and cultural revolution sweeping the land — again, anobvious point to anyone on the other side of the 1960s, but not to a whitepopulation still living in the stifling bliss of the Eisenhower era. Kennedynot only reported the revolution, but invited Americans of all backgrounds toengage in the kind of civic activism that reflects the tough work of democracy.“A great change is at hand, and our task, our obligation, is to make thatrevolution, that change, peaceful and constructive for all.” Nor was this just stirringrhetoric: Kennedy’s announcement that he would introduce comprehensive civilrights legislation and spur school desegregation beyond its frustratinglyglacial pace gave teeth to his historic address. Kennedy’sspeech was almost immediately overshadowed by Evers’s murder. Two months laterthe March on Washington would further render it a forgotten artifact of thecivil rights movement’s heroic period. Still,the speech had real consequences. A little over a week later, Kennedy followedthrough on his promise to submit strong civil rights legislation to Congress,which he pushed aggressively until his assassination in November 1963. Kennedy’s death made him a martyr for many causes, and in a crueltwist, it provided a huge boost to the civil rights bill, which his successor,Lyndon B. Johnson, signed on July 2, 1964. But without the moral forcefulnessof the June 11 speech, the bill might never have gone anywhere. The speech also set thetone for how presidents should address civil rights. No longer could they dancearound the issue, qualifying it as a strictly regional or legal or economicissue (though many would later try to do so). The power of the White House, andof the federal government, was on the side of the struggle. And itcontinues to resonate today. Barack Obama’s March 2008 “race speech,” deliveredamid the Jeremiah Wright controversy, has been rightfully applauded for itsnuanced depiction of contemporary American race relations. And yet it must beread within the context of Kennedy’s address: both reflected and defined thetenor of race relations at a moment of great tension and change. Kennedy’swords anticipated some of the key themes found in King’s soaring March onWashington address two months later. And that shared moral force, thatcommonality of thinking between the two speeches, is the most important reasonto remember the president’s address, 50 years ago today: it reminds us of a forgottenmoment of the civil rights era, when presidential leadership andgrass-roots activism worked in creative tension to turn the narrative of civilrights from a regional issue into a national story promoting racial equalityand democratic renewal. Peniel E. Joseph , the founding director of theCenter for the Study of Race and Democracy and a professor of history at TuftsUniversity, is the author, most recently, of “Dark Days, Bright Nights: FromBlack Power to Barack Obama.” A version of thisop-ed appeared in print on June 11, 2013, on page A23 of the New York edition with the headline: Kennedy’s Finest Moment.
1 Liberty without learning is always in peril, and learning without liberty is always in vain. 名言的后半句，我想能解释为什么中国60年没有大师的基本原因。 2 Our progress as a nation can be no swifter than our progress in education...The human mind is our fundamental resource. 这应该是科教兴国、重视人才的根据。 3 Conformity is the jail of freedom, and the enemy of growth. 总是一个声音，肯定就没有自由，也就没有进步。 4 Only an educated and informed people will be a free people. The ignorance of one voter in a democracy impairs the security of all. 百姓不知情，会损害所有的人。 5 If a society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich. 和我前面的博文提到的相同涵义：如果法律保护不了百姓， 那么法律也保护不了官员 6 The best road to progress is freedom's road. 路越走越自由，才是最好的路。
标签: 肯尼迪
