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英语专业文献的翻译:科技英语的特点与翻译
Bobby 2008-9-22 18:12
科技英语的特点与翻译 一、科技英语的特点 科技英语( English for science and technology , EST )指与用于科学和技术交流方面的英语口语和书面语。作为一种重要的英语语体,其特点主要体现在以下几个方面。 1 、词汇方面 大量使用专业词汇、复合词、缩略词及利用前后缀构成的派生词。专业词汇意义专一,用来表示明确的含义。科技词汇多源于希腊语和拉丁语,是因为这两种语言作为英语的重要来源,是世界上成熟最早和最完备的语言中的两种,词汇不再发生词形、词义上的变化,具有稳定性。 2 、句子方面 多使用长句和被动语态,大量使用名词化结构( nominalization )和非限定动词。另外,各种成份(如介词短语、形容词及其短语、副词、分词及从句等)作定语并后置,多使用 Itthat 结构句型、被动结构句型、 as 结构句型、分词短语结构句型和省略句结构句型等常用句型。名词化结构有利于行文简洁、表达客观、内容确切,也可使所含信息量增大,尤其是科技英语强调存在的事实,而非个别行为。不定式短语、 -ing 分词短语和 -ed 分词短语这三种非限定动词形式具有齐备的语法功能,可代替各种从句,这样既可缩短句子,行文简练,结构紧凑,又比较醒目。 3 、形态方面 科技英语在时态运用上有限,多用过去时和现在时。尤其是多用一般现在时,以表述无时间性的科学定义、定理、公式、现象、过程等。另外,科技英语多用逻辑性语法词( logical grammatical operators ),如表示原因的如 because (of) 、 due (owing) to 、 as (a result of) 、 caused by 、 for 等,表示语气转折的如 but 、 however 、 nevertheless 、 otherwise 、 yet 等,表示逻辑顺序的如 so 、 therefore 、 thus 、 furthermore 、 moreover 、 in addition to 等。 4 、文体方面 科技英语注重行文的连贯( coherence )、清晰( clarity )、流畅( fluency ),避免行文晦涩、表露个人感情、过多运用修辞手法等。总之,科技英语力求平易、客观和精确。 二、科技英语的翻译 跟别的文体翻译一样,科技英语的翻译的也主要在于准确理解原文,然后在理解原文的基础上,利用一些翻译技巧转换成适当的中文,其中准确理解原文是关键。翻译的标准方面,清末翻译家严复曾提出著名的信、达、雅原则,简单地讲就是要达到忠实、通顺、典雅,再具体一点,就是要译文忠实于原文的思想、译文要合乎全民规范化的语言、译文要保持原文的风格(彭卓吾语)。奈达则提出了功能对等( functional equivalence ),要求译文在词汇意义、文体特色等诸层面上尽可能与原文保持一致。对于科技英语翻译,通常要求译文忠实、明确、通顺、简练。 科技英语的理解和翻译的难点有二。其一是词语。科技文体中专业词汇出现的频率低,次技术性词汇出现较多,功能词出现的频率最高。相对来讲,专业词汇词义专一,一词多义较少。但新词出现时,要懂得利用构词法理解词义并准确恰当地译出。实际上,科技英语最难理解和翻译的不是专业词汇,而是一些半科技动词、副词和形容词,特别是一些短语动词。这有赖于译者了解多义词的每一个含义及当时语境,并能通过适当的专业知识加以判断来选择词义。其二是结构。从语言结构上来讲,科技英语许多程式化的句子出现频率较高,宜熟悉其翻译套路,提高翻译效率。如一些被动语态的惯译, It is generally (universally) accepted (recognized, regarded) that (普遍认为,一般认为或大家公认), It is estimated that (据估计,据推算)等。又如一些分词连接成分如 supposing that (假定,假设), seeing that (由于,鉴于), provided that (如果,倘若,只要)等。其次,科技英语中长句应用较多,大量使用的名词化结构和非限定动词等也是准确理解原文的一个障碍。错误的理解和翻译通常是由于仅对句子的表层词汇意义的理解和拼缀,没有深入到句子的深层关系如语法关系和主题关系。因此,有意识地识别句子中的形态词(名词、动词、形容词和副词等,这些词有一定形态符号特征)和结构词(介词、连词、冠词、关系代词和关系副词等),了解句子的基本句型、成分和语法关系,进而深入了解句子语言成分的概念范畴之间的关系即主题关系。因此,在遇到长句时,宜通过形态识别,突显主、谓、宾、表等主干成分,了解其骨架涵义及次要成分的涵义,理解这些成分之间的逻辑关系和修饰关系,然后通过适当的方法翻译出来。 科技英语的翻译方法包括转换法(各种词类如名词、动词、形容词、副词、介词和连词等的相互转换;各种句子成分如主语、宾语、谓语、定语、表语、状语等的相互转换;修饰词与被修饰词的相互转换)、省译法(冠词、代词、介词、连词、动词、同位语和复合名词等的省译)、增补法(增补语义上和修辞上需要的词;增补原文中的省略成份和隐含含义)、重复法(动词、名词、代词等的重复)、倒译法(各种名子成份和结构在顺序上倒译)、抽象变具体法及长句的分译法,短句子的合译法等。 对上述方法的掌握必须建立在英语和汉语两种语言和文化的对比分析基础之上,只有这样,才能有意识地理解和运用这些翻译方法。对于科技英语来讲,文化比较相对重要性要小,在此将不再涉及。从英汉两种语言对比来讲,大致有以下几个主要特点。第一,英语是综合语,就是运用形态变化来表达语法关系,而汉语是分析语,就是不用形态变化而是用词序及虚词来表达语法关系。第二,英语句子有严谨的主谓结构,构成句子的核心。与其它成分聚集各种关系网络,为聚集型。而汉语主谓结构复杂、多样、灵活,不受形态约束,没有主谓形式协调一致的关系,句式呈流散型。第三,英语造句主要采用形合法,即句子中的词语或分句之间是用语言形式手段(如关联词)连接起来,表达语法意义和逻辑关系。而汉语造句主要采用意合法,即词语或分句之间不用语言形式手段连接,句中语法意义和逻辑关系通过词语或分句的含义表达。第四,英语句子有大量的从属结构和连接手段,再加上各种并列成分、附加成分和修饰成分,句子像枝叶横生的大树。而汉语则常用法用或少用关联词,多散句、松句、紧缩句、省略句、流水句或并列形式的复句,词语、句子之间次序按时间或逻辑关系来排列。因此,英语长句翻译时常用分解、拆散和重组等方法处理。第五,英语常用物称(非人称)表达式,显得客观、公正、结构趋于严密、紧凑,语气较为委婉、间接。汉语重人称,往往从自我出发来叙述客观事物或倾向于描述人及其行为或状态。第六,英语由于施事的原因、文体的需要或修饰的考虑,常用被动句。汉语常用主动形式,用于表达英语的被动意义。第六,英语倾向于多用名词,名词化(指用名词来表达原属于动词或形容词所表达的概念,如用抽象名词来表达动作、行为、变化、状态品质、情感等概念)表达法可以使叙述呈静态。汉语倾向于多用动词,各种动词连用如连动式、兼语式、被字式及把字式,以及其互相包孕套用,构成多动词谓语句,因而叙述呈动态。第八,英语大量使用抽象名词,名词化表达往往导致表达的抽象化。汉语则倾向于具体,常以实的形式表达虚概念,以具体的形象表达抽象的内容。第九,英语倾向于间接、婉约,汉语表达倾向于直接、明快。第十,英语尽量避免重复,通常以替代的形式或省略等方式代替句中或上文已出现的词语或内容,而汉语则较少采用这类变称,而较多重复同一名称,且多用对偶、排比和反复等修辞格。 问题 1. 什么是科技英语? 2. 科技英语( English for science and technology , EST )或科学散文( Scientific Prose )的文体特点有那些? 3. 从英汉两种语言对比来讲,大致有那几个主要特点? 参考文献 陆国强 . 现代英语词汇学 . 上海:上海外语教育出版社, 1999 连淑能 . 英汉对比研究 . 北京:高等教育出版社, 1993 赵振才,王廷秀等 . 科技英语翻译常见错误分析 . 北京:国防工业出版社, 1990 张志鸿 . 科技英语汉译叙要 . 上海:上海科学技术文献出版社, 1987 刘宓庆 . 文体与翻译 . 北京:中国对外翻译出版公司, 1998 冯伟年 . 最新简明英语翻译教程 . 西安:世界图片出版西安公司, 2001 汪淑钧 . 科技英语翻译入门 . 广州:广东人民出版社, 1979 东万育 . 实用科技英语翻译 . 武汉:湖北科学技术出版社, 1985 韩其顺,王学铭 . 英汉科技翻译教程 . 上海:上海外语教育出版社, 1990 保清,苻之 . 科技英语翻译理论与技巧 . 北京:中国农业机械出版社, 1983 王泉水 . 科技英语翻译技巧 . 天津:天津科学技术出版社, 1991 阎庆甲,阎文培 . 科技英语翻译方法 . 北京:冶金工业出版社, 1981
个人分类: 科学感想|15020 次阅读|3 个评论
大脑的性别-新科学家封面【小红猪080911】
eloa 2008-9-11 10:40
小红猪小分队发表于2008-09-11星期四9:18 本文为《新科学家》7月19日封面文章。英文原文链接为http://environment.newscientist.com/channel/earth/mg19926721.600-the-ice-age-that-never-was.html 人脑本来就够复杂了,但如果人的大脑竟然有两种请想象一下吧! 作者:HannahHoag翻译:tantuyu(大学本科临床医学专业,现为神经生物学在读博士,兴趣爱好广泛.) 有时真觉得男人是来自火星,而女人是来自金星的。任何一位与恋人相处了很长时间的人肯定都会对你发出这样的感慨。男人和女人之间的想法常常相左,这简直就是个常识了,人们一直将这些男女之间的差异解释为性激素的作用,或者是产生男女特定行为方式的社会压力所导致,这种情况直到最近才有所改观。不管怎么说,大部分人还是认为两性的大脑在基本结构和功能上是没有什么差别的。然而这种观念开始日益受到挑战。 研究发现,男性和女性的脑在解剖结构上有很大不同。不但如此,其神经环路和神经元间传递信号的化学物质也有所不同。这些都是在基因水平就决定了的。所有这些研究都会让人得出一个结论,那就是人脑不止是一种,而是男女两种。 这个结论让神经科学家们有点头疼,因为我们关于大脑的大部分认识是来自于对雄性动物,包括男人的研究。如果说从这些研究得出的推论哪怕只有小部分不适用于雌性动物,那也意味着大量的研究工作本身的基础就不牢靠。弄清楚女人的脑到底跟男人的怎样不同,也许可以解释一些长期困扰人们的谜团,例如为什么男人和女人倾向于犯不同的精神健康问题,为什么有的药物对一种性别有效而对另一种性别就没作用。 人们早就知道雄性和雌性的大脑有点差别,但大家都认为这种差别只是局限在下丘脑部位一个参与调节进食活动和控制性冲动的脑区。因为雌性动物的雌激素和孕酮水平在月经周期上下波动,这会使实验结果的分析更加复杂,所以研究者们除了在研究下丘脑的时候会区分性别,否则都会尽量避免在实验中使用雌性动物,因为雌性在经期的雌激素和黄体激素水平变化会让实验结果更加难以分析。因此神经科学家们一直以为除了下丘脑外,男性和女性的脑没有什么不同。 但很显然,两性的脑存在许多差异,下丘脑只是冰山的一角而已。女性脑内的许多结构的相对尺寸与男性的有所不同。在2001年的一项研究里,哈佛医学院的JillGoldstein及其同事测量并且比较了健康男性和女性的45个脑区。他们发现女性脑的额叶里控制决策和解决问题的那部分脑区要比男性的大。女性的边缘皮层也比男性的大,这个区域是负责调节情绪的。其他人的研究发现,女性的海马(海马是一个参与短期记忆和空间导向的脑区)相对男性的要大女人们背了个不识地图的坏名声看来有些冤枉。男性相对于女性较大的脑区包括顶侧皮层和杏仁核。顶侧皮层负责处理感觉器官传来的信号,也参与空间感知的过程。杏仁核则控制情绪和人的社会行为以及性行为。加州大学的神经生物学家LarryCahill说:(男性和女性脑的)同一个结构大小有差异很可能意味着它在功能的组织上也会有不同。 Cahill发现性别的差异会影响到一些脑区的使用。在利用脑成像技术完成的实验里,他要求男受试者或女受试者回忆前面看过的令他们激动的画面。在完成这个任务的时候,所有受试者都动用了杏仁核这个脑区。杏仁核是一对杏仁大小的神经元团,它们也是边缘系统的组成部分。但不同的是男性受试者在实验过程中用的是右侧杏仁核,而女性用的是左侧杏仁核。而且男女受试者在回忆画面时的侧重也有所不同,男性侧重于回顾要点而女性则更注重细节的表达。Cahill说,这就提示我们男性和女性的脑在处理带有情绪因素的信息时所采用的机制是不一样的。 脑在缓解疼痛时所采用的神经环路也许也存在这样的性别差异。我们都知道,当遇到慢性疼痛时女性总是比男性往医院跑得更勤快。当然,这种现象部分是由于女性可享有的医疗保健服务比男性多一些,但就算考虑了这个因素,还是有很充分的证据表明女性感受和经历的疼痛要比男性多。这种疼痛感的性别差异在其他的动物身上也存在。科研人员在做实验的时候发现通常雌性动物对疼痛比雄性动物更敏感,当然并非所有的实验都体现了这种性别的差异。 佐治亚大学的AnneMurphy试图揭示为什么慢性疼痛对女性的影响比对男性的更大。她感兴趣的是一个缓解疼痛的神经环路。这个环路把脑的两个区域中脑导水管周围灰质(PAG)和延髓头端腹内侧区(RVM)跟脊髓连接起来。当疼痛激活这个神经环路并使其信号逐级放大后会导致脑啡肽的释放。脑啡肽与阿片受体结合后就会抑制疼痛信号的继续传入。Murphy说道:在人类和所有其他脊椎动物体内,这个神经环路是调节疼痛的福地,但是从来没有人研究过它在雌性动物体内是怎样组织的。 虽然还不能下定论,但Murphy的研究已经得到了一些有趣的结果。雌性动物在中脑导水管周围灰质(PAG)和延髓头端腹内侧区(RVM)之间的神经连接比雄性动物的致密,但是Murphy的研究结果却表明雌性在抑制疼痛时并没有激活这条神经通路。很显然雌性在感受疼痛的过程中并没有使用这条通路,那它在雌性体内起什么作用呢?雌性的这个结构为什么比雄性的大许多呢?Murphy问道。但这个问题至今没有答案。 加拿大麦吉尔大学的JeffMogil认为自己发现了雌性调节疼痛的神经通路就算不是全部通路也至少是一部分。他在实验中用化学药物阻断了小鼠中脑导水管周围灰质和脊髓中特定的受体,然后他发现雄性小鼠在缓解疼痛时使用的是N-甲基-D-天冬氨酸(NMDA)受体,但雌鼠的疼痛抑制功能在阻断这些NMDA受体时却不受影响。这意味着雌鼠在缓解疼痛时使用的是另一条通路,不同于雄鼠使用的NMDA受体通路。Mogil解释道。 在小鼠身上进行的遗传实验让Mogil怀疑雌性动物抑制疼痛的机制与一些雌性特有的变异的黑皮质素-1受体基因有关。黑皮质素-1受体基因的作用主要是调控毛发和皮肤的颜色,但同时它也在中脑导水管周围灰质(PAG)内有表达。缺少其中一种变异黑皮质素-1受体基因的雌鼠表现为抑制疼痛的能力下降。在天生缺少黑皮质素-1受体基因的女性受试者(红头发是缺少这个基因的人的特征)身上也观察到她们抑制疼痛能力下降的现象。但这种缓解疼痛的能力在缺少这个基因的男性身上却不受影响,可能因为他们在缓解疼痛时使用的是NMDA受体通路。 要下结论说女性缓解疼痛就是通过黑皮质素-1受体通路还为时过早,但是如果女性和男性在缓解疼痛上真的是使用不同的神经传导通路,这倒是可以很好地解释为什么阿片类镇痛药对男性和女性的治疗效果会有不同。女性使用阿片类镇痛药纳布啡的止痛效果要比用吗啡好。相反地,吗啡对男性的止痛效果很好,而纳布啡甚至会增加男性的疼痛感。这些发现可能促使人们开发出更适合女性的新型镇痛药。对此Mogil倒是显得很平静,他说:关于这些造成疼痛的性别差异的原因,至今还没有一篇有足够分量又毫无争议的文献可以给出定论,因此也还很难针对其中的任何一个差异点去开发药物。 心理健康研究也存在和痛觉研究同样的问题,这是另一个在研究中会因性别差异而产生不同影响的领域。例如,女性被诊断为抑郁症的人数是男性的大约两倍,而通常女性脑中表达的5-羟色胺(一种与抑郁症有关的神经递质)的量只有男性的一半。今年初,瑞典卡罗琳斯卡医学院的Anna-LenaNordstr?m研究发现,女性比男性拥有更多的5-羟色胺受体,但回收5-羟色胺所必需的转运蛋白却比男性少。虽然这种分子组成上的差别并不能解释为什么女性更容易患抑郁症,但Nordstr?m指出,男女间5-羟色胺转运蛋白数量的差异很值得注意,因为百忧解(盐酸氟西汀)这类抗抑郁药物正是针对5-羟色胺转运蛋白起作用的,而且有证据表明,这些针对5-羟色胺类的抗抑郁药物比起针对其他神经递质的药物来说,对女性的疗效更好。 男性比女性患抑郁症的几率小,但这并不意味着男人们就可以高枕无忧。男孩子更容易患上自闭症、抽动秽语综合征、诵读困难、口吃、注意缺陷障碍、早发性精神分裂症。美国马里兰大学的MargaretMcCarthy认为一种叫前列腺素的类激素物质可能是与这些疾病相关的因素之一。前列腺素的作用有助于男性胎儿的脑在出生前后具备男性化的特征,另外它也会引起炎症反应。因此McCarthy正在研究的问题是,会不会由于感染或某些药物的影响使得前列腺素的作用发生了变化,从而导致炎症反应并使发育中的脑受到损害。 男性和女性在药物滥用的行为表现上也有不同。也许由于社会方面的缘故,男性吸食可卡因的人数是女性的大约两倍。然而一旦女性开始吸食可卡因,她们比男性更容易成瘾而且在治疗时的戒断症状也比男性更严重。耶鲁大学的JaneTaylor在其2007年的一项研究结果中提示,男性和女性在基因上存在的差异也许可以对此做出解释。 除了正常的雌性小鼠和雄性小鼠,JaneTaylor还培育出基因型是雄性但带有卵巢和基因型是雌性但带有睾丸的两种新型小鼠,并把这四种小鼠进行了比较。她发现基因型是雌性的小鼠比基因型是雄性的小鼠更容易对药物成瘾,而跟这些小鼠体内的性腺是什么类型(睾丸或卵巢)没有关系(该研究发表于NatureNeuroscience,vol10,p1398)。 密歇根大学的JillBecker也发现了类似的现象。在她的实验中,被摘除睾丸或卵巢的大鼠身上带有一个自动注射给药的装置,只要它们探头到正确的小洞里并使信号灯打开便会被注射一定剂量的可卡因。Becker发现雌鼠为了获得更多的可卡因注射会比雄鼠更频繁地打开信号灯。在给摘除卵巢的雌鼠补充雌激素后它们的可卡因摄入量甚至增加了将近三倍。这就意味着雌性和雄性基因型的动物对药物成瘾的易感性不同,如果再加上性激素的作用就会使得雌性动物更易成瘾。(译者注:此段翻译与原文出入较大,系参考JillBecker等人2007年发表的文献。BehavBrainRes.2007Dec3;184(2):174-84.) 后来的一些研究发现当女性体内雌激素水平较高而孕酮的水平较低时,可卡因对她们的作用效果更强。哥伦比亚大学医学院的SuzetteEvans正在进行一项临床试验研究,这项研究是想知道如果提高可卡因成瘾的女性体内孕酮的水平是否会对她们的治疗有所帮助。 虽然还有许多问题有待解决,但是就性别与脑结构和功能差异的研究所取得的成果来看,研制和开发更适用于女性的药物是前景光明的。在这一切变为现实之前,人们还需要针对雄性和雌性脑的差异做大量的研究工作,毕竟从事这方面研究的人还是太少了。 这么多的科学家在他们进行实验特别是涉及到痛觉研究时排除掉雌性动物,这令曾揭示两性在疼痛处理方面存在巨大差异的Mogil感到非常震惊。这很荒谬!他说,女性经历更多疼痛的折磨,然而我们却用雄性大鼠作为最基本的研究疼痛的模型。从另一方面来说,这个领域是值得深入挖掘的。每隔一两年我们都会发表一些针对前人研究成果的文献,指出他们的结论实际上只适用于雄性动物。我们不断地给他们挑刺,因为他们完全弄错了实验材料。Mogil说道。 讹传与误解 递给男人一张画着曲里拐弯的街道的图纸,他们就会告诉你怎么走可以到达目的地。别以为女人没有方向感,其实女人也一样可以为你指路,只不过她们有自己的技巧。她们会给你指出具体的物理标识,比如面包店、邮局、中国餐馆这些信息都存在她们脑袋里一个叫海马的地方呢。 女士们,请不要因为你的老公忘了你俩曾经在度蜜月的时候大吵特吵就责怪他迟钝不堪。你能记住并不代表他也记得住。其实女人在记忆与情绪有关的事件方面确实要比男人强,因为她们脑袋里的杏仁核就是比男人的更适合干这个。 俗话说三个女人赛过一百只鸭子。噢,别当真。其实女人每天说的话跟男人说的一样多,平均都是16000个词汇。 男性的睾丸分泌睾酮使其保持男性特征这毋庸置疑,但是你知道吗,雌激素对男性胎儿脑的发育也是相当重要的。睾酮在男性大脑内被转化为雌二醇,雌二醇可以和雌激素受体结合从而使其下丘脑朝男性化的方向发育。 转载原创文章请注明,转载自:科学松鼠会 本文链接:http://songshuhui.net/archives/1521.html
个人分类: 小红猪翻译小分队|1863 次阅读|1 个评论
神经学家演绎生命的故事(网友评价最高的TED演讲之一)
songshuhui 2008-9-4 14:52
科学松鼠会 发表于2008-09-3 星期三 18:10 分类: 医学 , 感悟 , 翻译 | | 神经学家 Jill Bolte Taylor 多年前得过一次中风,她回顾那次死里逃生的经历,演绎出一个动人的故事。(这是网友评价最高的 TED 演讲之一) 这是一份投稿,译者是 Tony 。他的个人博客: http://inspired5.blogbus.com/ 我从事大脑 的研究是因为我的一位弟弟患有精神分裂症,作为他的姐姐,我一直都在想:为何我可以将现实与虚幻区分开来,知道什么是我的梦想,以及如何去实现 这样的梦想,而我弟弟却不能分辨真实的世界与他大脑里虚构出来的世界,也无法实现他的梦想?于是我决定投身于精神疾病方面的研究。 我从印第安纳的老家搬到波士顿,在哈佛大学精神病学院的弗朗辛博士的实验室工作。我们当时问的问题是:寻常人的大脑 与那些患有精神分裂症状的病人的大脑有 何不同?所以我们绘制出大脑里头的微电路图,逐一考察每一个细胞,寻找其与其余的细胞、化学物质的联系,还具体考察了这些参与反应的化学物质的数量。 我的生活很有意义。白天,我在实验室上班,而到了晚上或者假日,我就以 NAMI (美国精神疾病联盟)成员的身分到社区普及有关此一疾病的知识。 可是在 1996 年 12 月的 10 号的那个早上,我醒来的时候发现自己竟也碰上了神经错乱。那时我的左脑血管破裂,造成大量出血。随后的 4 个小时里,我的大脑 完全失去了处理外界信息的能力。不能走、说、读、写或者回忆起我过往人生的任何片段。我那时简直成了一个婴孩,不过是活在一个女人的躯体里。 假如你看过人体大脑 的话,你会知道大脑的两个半球是完全分离的。今天我还特意给大家带来一个真实的人体大脑。(工作人员端出一个人体的大脑,吉尔向观众解 释)看,这是大脑的前端,这是大脑的后端,这里还有脊髓。大脑在我的脑壳里就是这么放置的。我们的大脑的两个半球是完全分离的,拿计算机作比喻的话,我们 大脑的右半球就有如并行处理器,而左半球则类似于相联处理器。两个半球通过灰质来交流,而灰质本身则是由 3 亿个轴突纤维组成的。除此以外,我们大脑的两个 半球就是完全独立的,由于它们两个处理信息的方式不一样,所以它们关心的是不同的事物,由此我认为,大脑的两个半球拥有截然不同的个性。 我们的右脑关心的永远都是眼前的事物,它仅对于此时此地发生的事情感兴趣。它以图像的形式来思考,我们肢体的运动信息会直接传送到我们的右脑,外界的一切 信息会经由身体上的感官返回右脑,然后右脑就会描绘出一副周边环境的图画,还能判断出其气息、声响与感觉。我是一个能量的个体,通过右脑与周围的能量取得 联系。而我们大家都是独立的能量的个体,可是我们的右脑把我们联系起来,让我们意识到我们都是人类大家庭的一员。此时此刻,我们生活在这个地球之上,都是 兄弟姐妹,共同为创造一个更美好的世界而努力。这一刻,我们大家都是完美的、完整的、美丽的。 而我们的左脑则是完全不同的一副图景。它以一种线性的、有条不紊的方式来处理信息,它关心的仅仅是过去与未来。它捕捉周围的信息,周围的一切细节,以至关 于细节的细节,然后分类、整理,将其与过去发生的事情相比较,从而得出我们下一步该做什么事的判断。左脑是用语言来思考的,在左脑里,有一个神秘的声音把 我的内在的世界与外部的世界关联起来。那个声音会喋喋不休的跟我说,嘿,你回家的时候记得买香蕉啊!还有明天早上起来记得吃啊!它还以一种非常精确的 计算方式提醒我记得洗衣服。但最重要的恐怕是左脑能向我发出一个信息:我就是我 (I am) 。而我一旦听到这个声音,我就感到坐立不安,因为我不再与周围的能量流动发生联系,也与周围的人失去了关联。 那天我脑出血,刚好就发生在左脑。 那天早上,我从睡梦中醒来,发现自己的左脑疼痛不止,那种痛楚跟你咬冰淇淋的那种腐蚀性的感觉一样,它抓住我,然后又放开,然后再次抓住,再次放开。如此 反复。我不曾有过这样的痛苦经历。可我还是决定要开始一天的工作,于是走到家里的跑步机前,可是虽然我的手抓住了跑步机的横杆,但我感觉那似乎是只是一只 普通的动物爪子。我想,这可真奇怪!又看看我的身体,我立即发现自己怪异无比。似乎我似乎感觉到我的意识游离于身体之外,在另一个世界看着那个站在跑步机 前的我。 一切都是那么奇怪,而我的头疼也越来越厉害,于是从跑步机上下来,当我在客厅里走的时候,我发现我的身体里的一切的反应都变得极慢,每往前迈出一步都是那 么的僵硬、每一步都要缓缓的走。我的步伐基本没有连贯性。同时我对周围事物的感知也在变弱,于是我干脆留心自己身体内的一切。那时我站在浴室里,正准备洗 澡,同时我听到身体里有个声音在说:这块肌肉,你要放松;这一块,你要拉紧。 我还丧失了平衡,倒在浴室的墙上。我低头看自己的手臂,可已经无法感知自己身体的边界了,不知道那里是属于我自己的,那里是周围的事物。构成我的手臂的原 子和分子与墙上的分子混在了一起。我只能体验到能量的存在。我问自己:我到底出什么事啦?就在那一刻,我的左脑内的那不曾停息的谈话消失了,就像人们 拿着遥控器,按了静音键一样只有无边的寂静。 一开始我感到恐惧,但很快我就为周围的巨大的能量所吸引。我再也不能界定我的身体的边界,我感到自己变得很大、很舒展。似乎我和周围的能量就是合在一起的个体,那种感觉真的很美。 可突然间,我的左脑又重新恢复了思考,并且对我说,我们出问题了!出问题了!要找人帮忙!我知道自己出了问题,可是马上我又回到了意识的世界(我称之 为 La La Land ),那是一个美丽的世界。想象一下能够不再听任于大脑 里的喋喋不休的感觉。我就置身于一个如此美妙的世界,一切身外的烦恼皆一扫而空。我感到身体 变轻了。不妨想象一下能够摆脱一切的现世的纠缠,那是一种清静的感觉。再想象一下,你完全摆脱了积累了 37 年之久的情感的包袱,那是多么的美!那刻,我体 会到巨大的快感,简直是美不可言!就在这时,我的左脑又恢复了思考,对我说嘿,注意啦,我们出事了。要找人帮忙啊!我那时才想到求救,于是马上从浴室 出来,非常机械的穿上衣服,心里在想,我要去上班,我要上班。我还能驾车吗?我还能吗? 就在那时我的右臂完全瘫痪,于是我才意识到自己中风了。不过我又想,这样不是很妙吗?有几个 神经科学 家有这样的切身体验呢? 可我又想,我是个大忙人,我才不会花时间玩中风的游戏呢!但既然已经发生了,那我就用一两周时间来研究研究,然后就继续我正常的工作。 于是我去找人帮忙。我已不记得办公室电话,可是我记得我的房间里有一张名片上面写有那个电话号码。于是找到名片,可虽然我看得清清楚楚那卡片是啥模样,却 分不清是我的还是别人的,因为我只看到一团像素。卡片上的文字、图案、背景三者在我眼里成了模糊的一块像素团,完全无法分辨。可是我不能等到我看清了。就 在那一刻,我刚好返回了现实,发现找到的不是我的卡片。从那一堆卡片里头找到合适的一张,又花去我45分钟的时间。 与此同时,脑颅内的积血越来越多。我尽管分辨不出卡片上的数字,也分辨不出电话上的数字。但我别无其他选择。我把卡片上的笔画跟电话上的笔画相比照。可我又回到La La Land,不记得自己是否拨了那些数字。 于是我抓起那瘫痪的右手,盖住那些已按下的数字,这样在那间或的片刻清醒的时刻,我可以知道拨出了哪些数字。最终电话打通了,我的同事接了电话,但我只听 到呜呜呜呜的声音,我想,天啊,他怎么变成金毛寻猎犬了?于是我想对他说,你还,我是吉尔,我需要你的帮助!可是口里出来的竟然也是呜呜呜 呜,噢,原来我也变成黄金寻猎犬了!一开始我还不知道自己已无法讲话或理解别人的话语。 但同事马上知道我需要他的帮忙,于是叫来救护车,把我送到马斯医院。路上,我卷成了一个婴孩的模样,我感觉自己就像一个只剩余最后一点空气的气球,我身体 的能量飘到了身体以外,而我的灵魂也要投降了。那一刻,我感到生命的最后一刻已经到来。除非医生可以把我从死亡线上拉回来。 那天下午,我醒了,惊喜的发现自己还活着。当我发现自己的灵魂要宣布投降的时候,我就已对人生作出了告别。可此刻,我的心悬于两种截然不同的现实之间。从 感官传来的刺激是单纯的疼痛,光线就如野火一样在我的 大脑 里燃烧,周围的声音是那么大、那么混杂,完全分辨不清。我只是想逃离。由于我不能明确自己身体的 范围,我又感到身体变大了、舒展开来了,就像一个从瓶子里跑出来的神怪,而我的灵魂则如一条鲸鱼,漫游于寂静的极乐世界的海洋。那是一种和谐的音乐。当时 我想我永远也不可能像故事里的神怪那样回到瓶子里了。 可是我又意识到我还活着呢!我还活着!而我竟经历了涅磐了。而假如我能找到涅磐,又还活着,那么世上任何人都有可能找到涅磐。我幻想一个充满美丽、和 平、怜悯和关爱的世界,只要人们愿意,自觉的走出左脑,就能达至此境。我又想,这样一次经历是多么难得的一次机会,它让我以深入的眼光看待我们的生活,并 鼓励我尽快得以康复。 两周后,医生从我的大脑里取出一块凝固的血块,足有一个高尔夫球那么大,那东西正好是从我大脑里控制语言功能的地方割出来的。(指着屏幕上的照片)那是我和我的母亲,她是我生命中的天使。后来,我经过8年时间才完全康复过来。 那么我们究竟是谁?我们是宇宙间的生命,我们都有灵活的躯体以及两个各司其职的认知中心。我们都有能力去选择,这一刻我们要成为什么,以及如何去在这个地 球上活下去。此刻,我可以进入我的右脑,从而实现与大家的血气相通我们都是这个世界上的生命。我是由50万亿个分子组成的一个活的生命体。又或者我可 以走进我的左脑,我就变成一个单独的个体,不再与周围的世界发生联系,不再与大家发生联系。我就是吉尔泰勒博士,我是知识分子,还是神经解剖学家。这些就是 我体内的我们。 你想怎么选?你会怎么选?在什么时候?我深信,只要我们花更多时间去关心右脑,去寻找那片内在的宁静,将会为这个世界带来更多的和平,我们的地球也将变得更平和。而我认为,这也算是一个值得传播开去的想法。 标签: 翻译 , 脑科学
个人分类: 医学|1247 次阅读|0 个评论
Cut!;There’s an almighty rumpus over the pros and cons of circumcision. Vivien M
eloa 2008-9-4 14:44
小红猪小分队 发表于2008-01-1 星期二 10:17 分类: 健康 , 医学 , 小红猪翻译小分队 | | BYLINE: Vivien Marx, Graham Lawton. Vivien Marx is a writer based in New York SECTION: FEATURES; Feature; Pg. 40-43 LENGTH: 2625 words IMAGINE a quick and simple surgical procedure that trials have shown could give your newborn child lifelong protection against HIV and may ward off sexually transmitted diseases and cancer too. It involves a little pain and bleeding, and occasionally goes wrong, but the risk of serious adverse effects is tiny. Would you have it done? Chances are you would. But what if you found out that other trials have called the procedures benefits into question, and that it involves cutting off part of your childs penis. Now how do you feel about it? This, in a nutshell, is the dilemma facing the parents of newborn baby boys. According to the increasingly vocal advocates of male circumcision, slicing off the foreskin is one of the most effective public-health measures ever invented and should be done routinely, like vaccination. Not so fast, say opponents. They insist that circumcision has no medical benefits and damages a mans sex life. The debate has rumbled on for decades, but recent findings about the role circumcision can play in preventing transmission of HIV have placed the foreskin - or its absence - firmly back on the public-health agenda. Globally, approximately 30 per cent of men have been circumcised, making it probably the worlds most common surgical procedure, says epidemiologist Helen Weiss of the London School of Hygiene Tropical Medicine. Most circumcisions are carried out for cultural or religious reasons, but there have long been those who advocate the procedure on medical grounds, to improve hygiene and prevent infections. The latest disease claimed by the circumcision lobby is HIV. Back in the mid-1980s, an American urologist called Aaron Fink noted that a large proportion of the men in Africa who had AIDS were uncircumcised (The New England Journal of Medicine , vol 315, p 1167). Over the next few years, stacks of observational evidence came in suggesting that circumcised men were less likely to be HIV-positive, and by 2000 the idea was widely accepted (AIDS , vol 14, p 2361). What was still needed, however, was proof from a large, randomised clinical trial that circumcision could protect men against the virus. The first study of this kind to report results began in July 2002 at Orange Farm, a large township near Johannesburg in South Africa. It was supposed to run for three years but was halted early when a halfway analysis showed that circumcision was lowering HIV infection rates by 60 per cent - a result that had trial leader Bertran Auvert of the French National Institute of Health and Medical Research (INSERM) in Saint-Maurice comparing circumcision to a vaccine of high efficacy (PLoS Medicine , vol 2, p e298). Two more big trials, one in Kisumu, Kenya, and the other in Rakai, Uganda, were also stopped early on the strength of overwhelmingly positive results. When these two studies were published in The Lancet (vol 369, p 643, and p 657) an accompanying editorial declared a new era for HIV prevention (The Lancet , vol 369, p 615). Auvert calculated that circumcision could avert up to 3.8 million infections and half a million deaths in sub-Saharan Africa between 2006 and 2016, and up to 5.8 million deaths by 2026 (PLoS Medicine , vol 3, p e262). Circumcision primarily protects men during heterosexual intercourse, but it also appeared to benefit women. Anthony Fauci of the US National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases - which helped to fund the Kisumu and Rakai trials - greeted the results with the comment: While the initial benefit will be fewer HIV infections in men, ultimately circumcision could lead to fewer infections in women in those areas of the world where HIV is spread primarily through heterosexual intercourse. So how does circumcision protect against HIV? As Brian Morris, a molecular biologist at the University of Sydney in Australia and a leading supporter of circumcision, explains, it is the inner lining of the foreskin that is the weak point. While the virus does not easily pass through the keratinised skin of the foreskins outer surface and the penis shaft, the inner surface of the foreskin lacks keratin and is packed with immune cells such as Langerhans cells that HIV uses as an entry point. This makes it very, very vulnerable, says Morris. HIV goes straight in. The African trials have encouraged the World Health Organization and Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) to set up programmes to help African countries establish or scale up circumcision services for adult men - though they emphasise that circumcision does not make men immune, and that couples should still practise safe sex. This is a huge opportunity for prevention, particularly in areas of Africa with high HIV prevalence, says Daniel Halperin, an epidemiologist at Harvard School of Public Health and former global HIV adviser at USAID, the US Agency for International Development. To me, this is the greatest medical advance in 20 years, adds Jeffrey Klausner, who directs sexually transmitted disease prevention and control services for San Franciscos Department of Health. Yet as with most things circumcision-related, all is not necessarily as it first seems - starting with the trials themselves. Numerous criticisms levelled at their design and execution have cast doubt on whether circumcision will be anywhere near as effective in the real world as the results suggest (Future HIV Therapy , vol 2, p 193). It is widely recognised, for example, that clinical trials which are stopped early because the results are good generally exaggerate the beneficial effect (The Lancet , vol 368, p 1236). Many researchers argue that if the trials had continued for the full three years and beyond, many more circumcised men would have caught the virus. According to Michel Garenne of the Pasteur Institute in Paris, France, factors like this make the vaccine analogy highly misleading. A 60 per cent reduction in infection rate over 18 months is not the same as the near-complete protection offered by a vaccine, and may not do very much to protect men over a lifetime of sexual activity (PLoS Medicine , vol 3, p e78). He also warns against generalising from the studies which found that circumcised men tend to have lower rates of HIV, pointing out that in some countries - notably Cameroon, Lesotho and Malawi - the opposite is true (African Journal of AIDS Research , vol 7, p 1). Then there is the issue of whether circumcision protects women. At a major AIDS conference earlier this year, a team from Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, Maryland, reported that men who are circumcised when they are already HIV-positive are more likely to infect their partners. The reason, according to team leader Maria Wawer, is that some couples resume sex too early, before the circumcision wound heals, thus exposing the woman to virus-infected blood. Of course, circumcision cannot protect men who are already HIV-positive, but the fear is that if circumcision becomes the norm such men will have the procedure done - either because they dont know they are infected or because uncircumcised penises come to be seen as a marker of being HIV-positive. Another fear is that circumcision could encourage risky sexual behaviour by lulling men into a false sense of security, or even making them believe they are immune and so can stop using condoms. Auverts team has estimated that this effect would reduce the effectiveness of circumcision from 60 per cent to 50 per cent (PLoS Medicine , vol 3, p e517). Another model found that if 40 per cent of circumcised men significantly increased their risky behaviour, the benefits of circumcision would be completely eliminated (International Journal of Epidemiology , DOI: 10.1093/ije/dyn038). However, a real-world Kenyan study found no increase in risky sex acts such as failure to use a condom among recently circumcised men (Journal of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndromes , vol 44, p 66). As the controversy over circumcision in Africa continues, it has spilled over into a secondary debate in the western world. If circumcision is an effective weapon against AIDS in Africa, does that mean it should be promoted elsewhere? Convincing evidence one way or the other is thin on the ground. Huge regional differences in the nature of the epidemic mean that applying the African findings to other parts of the world is not straightforward, Halperin says. In sub-Saharan Africa, for example, the main mode of HIV transmission is heterosexual sex, whereas in the developed world it is sex between men, prostitution and injected drugs. That calls into question the public-health benefits of a procedure established only as a way of protecting men during sex with women. Whats more, HIV is much less prevalent in the west than in Africa, and the predominant subtype is HIV B, rather than A, C and D - factors which have unknown consequences for the effectiveness of circumcision. And while a handful of observational studies have looked at HIV and circumcision in the west, the results have been inconclusive (PLoS Medicine , vol 4, p e223). Last year, the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) assessed evidence relating to HIV and concluded that there was no compelling reason to advocate widespread circumcision in the US, though there may be a case for certain high-risk men choosing to undergo the procedure. New York Citys health authorities have also considered whether to start promoting circumcision . But HIV is not the only reason advocates still claim that boys should be routinely circumcised. They point to a large and growing body of evidence - though much of it is disputed and none of it is yet from randomised controlled trials - that circumcision can prevent numerous other health problems, from mild urinary tract infections to cancer. Some studies have shown, for example, that circumcised baby boys have a lower rate of urinary tract and kidney infections. Others find that uncircumcised men have a higher risk of catching sexually transmitted diseases, including chlamydia, genital warts, herpes, gonorrhea, syphilis and chancroid. Circumcision also prevents a problem called phimosis, where the foreskin is overly tight making erections and urination painful; phimosis is a strong predisposing factor for penile cancer. Circumcision also offers protection against human papilloma virus (HPV), another cause of penile cancer. One recent review concluded that uncircumcised men are more than 20 times as likely to get penile cancer (Journal of the American Academy of Dermatology , vol 54, p 369). Some studies even show that uncircumcised men have a higher incidence of sexual dysfunction. All in all, says Morris, 1 in 3 uncircumcised men will eventually require medical attention for a condition that could have been prevented by circumcision. There are benefits at all ages, he says. There is a huge public-health problem if youre not circumcising (BioEssays , vol 29, p 1147). There are also claimed health benefits for women. The female sexual partners of uncircumcised men have a moderately increased risk of cervical cancer, probably due to HPV, along with an elevated incidence of herpes and chlamydia. Despite this, medical authorities are loath to promote circumcision. The American Academy of Pediatrics is looking into the issue in the light of the HIV data but its current position is that the potential medical benefits are not sufficient to recommend routine circumcision. The British Medical Association, meanwhile, describes the medical evidence as equivocal. These positions are echoed by authorities across the developed world. One reason for this caution is the risk of complications arising from the procedure. These are largely minor, such as bleeding, pain and the side effects of anaesthesia. But very occasionally they can be more serious: a few cases of severe infection or injury and even death have been recorded. Figures for the incidence of complications are inconsistent, however, not least because the conditions under which circumcision is performed vary so widely. The CDC says that somewhere between 0.2 and 2 per cent of circumcisions in the US result in complications, almost all of them minor. This uncertainty makes the relative costs and benefits of circumcision hard to calculate. For example, Morris reckons that circumcising just 1000 boys will prevent one case of penile cancer, but other analyses argue that the number is closer to 300,000. As the pro-circumcision message has gained momentum, anti-circumcision groups have proliferated, arguing that the supposed benefits are overblown and are outweighed by the risks. Some argue that circumcising a child without consent is a violation of his human rights. Circumcision is the harmful removal of a very important part of a mans body, says George Denniston of Doctors Opposing Circumcision in Seattle, Washington. Circumcision proponents say the objections are based on anecdotes rather than science. I dont think there is any evidence other than emotion that drives people to say we cause harm, says Irwin Goldstein, director of sexual medicine at the University of California, San Diego. The debate is at its most raucous and scientifically murky when it comes to sex. According to supporters, circumcision has no effect on a mans sex life and can improve that of his partners. Opponents say the exact opposite, claiming that the foreskin is a highly sensitive part of the penis that is necessary for normal sexual function and enjoyment. Here too, the science is equivocal. Some studies have shown that circumcised men have reduced sensation to fine touch (BJU International , vol 99, p 864). Many more, however, including one by William Masters and Virginia Johnson in their classic 1966 book Human Sexual Response , find no difference in penile sensitivity. A recent example is reported in The Journal of Sexual Medicine , vol 4, p 667. Outside the laboratory the results are equally contradictory. Most of the information comes from non-scientific surveys that tend to confirm the prejudices of the people carrying them out. In 1988, for example, circumcision advocate James Badger found that men who had experienced sex both uncircumcised and then after being circumcised said it was better circumcised, while women found circumcised penises more attractive. However, a similar survey by circumcision critic Kristen OHara found that women overwhelmingly preferred natural intercourse (BJU International, vol 83, p s79). The most recent contribution to the sex debate comes from the circumcision trial in Uganda. A team led by Ronald Gray of Johns Hopkins University compared two groups of more than 2000 men: the members of one group underwent circumcision at the start of the two-year study, while those in the other group remained uncircumcised throughout. When they asked the men about their sexual desire, functioning and satisfaction, the researchers found no significant difference (BJU International , vol 101, p 65). I think we need quite a bit more data on the direct effects of circumcision on penile sensation, says Erik Janssen, a sex researcher at the Kinsey Institute in Bloomington, Indiana. Is it leading to additional types of stimulation that are more pleasurable? I dont know of really good research on this topic; if there was funding for it, I would study it. For now, the debate over circumcision continues to arouse passion, prejudice and confusion on both sides. What is urgently needed is rock-solid data from randomised, controlled trials. Scientists keep an open mind, Morris advises. Ten years down the track, if there is evidence circumcision is not necessary, I will just back off. Vivien Marx is a writer based in New York. 标签: 翻译
个人分类: 小红猪翻译小分队|1945 次阅读|0 个评论
Superbugs,The new generation of resistant infections is almost impossible to tre
songshuhui 2008-9-4 14:30
小红猪小分队 发表于2008-01-7 星期一 10:27 分类: 医学 , 小红猪翻译小分队 , 生物 | | by Jerome Groopman August 11, 2008 Doctors fear that dangerous bacteria may become entrenched in hospitals. In August, 2000, Dr. Roger Wetherbee, an infectious-disease expert at New York Universitys Tisch Hospital, received a disturbing call from the hospitals microbiology laboratory. At the time, Wetherbee was in charge of handling outbreaks of dangerous microbes in the hospital, and the laboratory had isolated a bacterium called Klebsiella pneumoniae from a patient in an intensive-care unit. It was literally resistant to every meaningful antibiotic that we had, Wetherbee recalled recently. The microbe was sensitive only to a drug called colistin, which had been developed decades earlier and largely abandoned as a systemic treatment, because it can severely damage the kidneys. So we had this report, and I looked at it and said to myself, My God, this is an organism that basically we cant treat. Klebsiella is in a class of bacteria called gram-negative, based on its failure to pick up the dye in a Grams stain test. (Gram-positive organisms, which include Streptococcus and Staphylococcus , have a different cellular structure.) It inhabits both humans and animals and can survive in water and on inanimate objects. We can carry it on our skin and in our noses and throats, but it is most often found in our stool, and fecal contamination on the hands of caregivers is the most frequent source of infection among patients. Healthy people can harbor Klebsiella to no detrimental effect; those with debilitating conditions, like liver disease or severe diabetes, or those recovering from major surgery, are most likely to fall ill. The bacterium is oval in shape, resembling a TicTac, and has a thick, sugar-filled outer coat, which makes it difficult for white blood cells to engulf and destroy it. Fimbriafine, hairlike extensions that enable Klebsiella to adhere to the lining of the throat, trachea, and bronchiproject from the bacterias surface; the attached microbes can travel deep into our lungs, where they destroy the delicate alveoli, the air sacs that allow us to obtain oxygen. The resulting hemorrhage produces a blood-filled sputum, nicknamed currant jelly. Klebsiella can also attach to the urinary tract and infect the kidneys. When the bacteria enter the bloodstream, they release a fatty substance known as an endotoxin, which injures the lining of the blood vessels and can cause fatal shock. Tisch Hospital has four intensive-care units, all in the east wing on the fifteenth floor, and at the time of the outbreak there were thirty-two intensive-care beds. The I.C.U.s were built in 1961, and although the equipment had been modernized over the years, the units had otherwise remained relatively unchanged: the beds were close to each other, with I.V. pumps and respirators between them, and doctors and nursing staff were shared among the various I.C.U.s. This was an ideal environment for a highly infectious bacterium. It was the first major outbreak of this multidrug-resistant strain of Klebsiella in the United States, and Wetherbee was concerned that the bacterium had become so well adapted in the I.C.U. that it could not be killed with the usual ammonia and phenol disinfectants. Only bleach seemed able to destroy it. Wetherbee and his team instructed doctors, nurses, and custodial staff to perform meticulous hand washing, and had them wear gowns and gloves when attending to infected patients. He instituted strict protocols to insure that gloves were changed and hands vigorously disinfected after handling the tubing on each patients ventilator. Spray bottles with bleach solutions were installed in the I.C.U.s, and surfaces and equipment were cleaned several times a day. Nevertheless, in the ensuing months Klebsiella infected more than a dozen patients. In late autumn of 2000, in addition to pneumonia patients began contracting urinary-tract and bloodstream infections from Klebsiella . The latter are often lethal, since once Klebsiella infects the bloodstream it can spread to every organ in the body. Wetherbee reviewed procedures in the I.C.U. again and discovered that the Foley catheters, used to drain urine from the bladder, had become a common source of contamination; when emptying the urine bags, staff members inadvertently splashed infected urine onto their gloves and onto nearby machinery. They were very effectively moving the organism from one bed to the next, Wetherbee said. He ordered all the I.C.U.s to be decontaminated; the patients were temporarily moved out, supplies discarded, curtains changed, and each room was cleaned from floor to ceiling with a bleach solution. Even so, of the thirty-four patients with infections that year, nearly half died. The outbreak subsided in October, 2003, after even more stringent procedures for decontamination and hygiene were instituted: patients kept in isolation, and staff and visitors required to wear gloves, masks, and gowns at all times. My basic premise, Wetherbee said, is that you take a capable microrganism like Klebsiella and you put it through the gruelling test of being exposed to a broad spectrum of antibiotics and it will eventually defeat your efforts, as this one did. Although Tisch Hospital has not had another outbreak, the bacteria appeared soon after at several hospitals in Brooklyn and one in Queens. When I spoke to infectious-disease experts this spring, I was told that the resistant Klebsiella had also appeared at Mt. Sinai Medical Center, in Manhattan, and in hospitals in New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Cleveland, and St. Louis. Of the so-called superbugsthose bacteria that have developed immunity to a wide number of antibioticsthe methicillin-resistant Staphylococcus aureus , or MRSA , is the most well known. Dr. Robert Moellering, a professor at Harvard Medical School, a past president of the Infectious Diseases Society of America, and a leading expert on antibiotic resistance, pointed out that MRSA , like Klebsiella , originally occurred in I.C.U.s, especially among patients who had undergone major surgery. Until about ten years ago, Moellering told me, virtually all cases of MRSA were either in hospitals or nursing homes. In the hospital setting, they cause wound infections after surgery, pneumonias, and bloodstream infections from indwelling catheters. But they can cause a variety of other infections, all the way to bacterial meningitis. The first deaths from MRSA in community settings, reported at the end of the nineteen-nineties, were among children in North Dakota and Minnesota. And then it started showing up in men who have sex with men, Moellering said. Soon, it began to be spread in prisons among the prisoners. Now we see it in a whole bunch of other populations. An outbreak among the St. Louis Rams football team, passed on through shared equipment, particularly affected the teams linemen; artificial turf, which causes skin abrasions that are prone to infection, exacerbated the problem. Other outbreaks were reported among insular religious groups in rural New York; Hurricane Katrina evacuees; and illegal tattoo recipients. And now its basically everybody, Moellering said. The deadly toxin produced by the strain of MRSA found in U.S. communities, Panton-Valentine leukocidin, is thought to destroy the membranes of white blood cells, damaging the bodys primary defense against the microbe. In 2006, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention recorded some nineteen thousand deaths and a hundred and five thousand infections from MRSA . Unlike resistant forms of Klebsiella and other gram-negative bacteria, however, MRSA can be treated. There are about a dozen new antibiotics coming on the market in the next couple of years, Moellering noted. But there are no good drugs coming along for these gram-negatives. Klebsiella and similarly classified bacteria, including Acinetobacter , Enterobacter , and Pseudomonas , have an extra cellular envelope that MRSA lacks, and that hampers the entry of large molecules like antibiotic drugs. The Klebsiella that caused particular trouble in New York are spreading out, Moellering told me. They have very high mortality rates. They are sort of the doomsday-scenario bugs. In 1968, Moellering travelled to Malaita, in the Solomon Islands. I was really interested to see whether we could find an antibiotic-resistant population of bacteria in a place that had never seen antibiotics, Moellering said. The natives practiced head-hunting and cannibalism, and were isolated as much by conflict as by the islands dense jungle. Moellering identified microbes there that were resistant to the antibiotics streptomycin and tetracycline, which were then in use in the West but had never been introduced clinically on Malaita. Later studies found resistant bacteria in many other isolated indigenous human populations, as well as in natural reservoirs like aquifers. Before the development of antibiotics, the threat of infection was urgent: until 1936, pneumonia was the No. 1 cause of death in the United States, and amputation was sometimes the only cure for infected wounds. The introduction of sulfa drugs, in the nineteen-thirties, and penicillin, in the nineteen-forties, suddenly made many bacterial infections curable. As a result, doctors prescribed the drugs widelyoften for sore throats, sinus congestion, and coughs that were due not to bacteria but to viruses. In response, bacteria quickly developed resistance to the most common antibiotics. The public assumed that the pharmaceutical industry and researchers in academic hospitals would continue to identify effective new treatments, and for many years they did. In the nineteen-eighties, a class of drugs called carbapenems was developed to combat gram-negative organisms like Klebsiella , Pseudomonas , and Acinetobacter . They were, at the time, thought to be drugs of last resort, because they had activity against a whole variety of multiply-resistant gram-negative bacteria that were already floating around, Moellering said. Many hospitals put the drugs on reserve, but an apparent cure-all was too tempting for some physicians, and the tight stewardship slowly broke down. Inevitably, mutant, resistant microbes flourished, and even the carbapenems effectiveness waned. Now microbes are appearing far outside their environmental niches. Acinetobacter thrives in warm, humid climates, like Honduras, as well as in parts of Iraq, and is normally found in soil. An article published in the military magazine Proceedings in February reported that more than two hundred and fifty patients at U.S. military hospitals were infected with a highly resistant strain of Acinetobacter between 2003 and 2005, with seven deaths as of June, 2006, linked to Acinetobacter -related complications. In 2004, about thirty per cent of all patients returning from Iraq and Afghanistan tested positive for the bacteria. Its a big problem, and its contaminated the evacuation facilities in Germany and a lot of the V.A. hospitals in the United States where these soldiers have been brought, Moellering said. Patients evacuated to Stockholm from Thailand after the 2004 tsunami were often infected with resistant gram-negative microbes, including a strain of Acinetobacter that was resistant even to colistin, the antibiotic used, to variable effect, in the outbreak at Tisch Hospital. The practice of clinical tourism, in which patients travel long distances for more advanced or more affordable medical centers, may introduce resistant microbes into hospitals where they had not existed before. Meanwhile, antibiotic use in agricultural industries has grown rapidly. Seventy per cent of the antibiotics administered in America end up in agriculture, Michael Pollan, a professor of journalism at Berkeley and the author of In Defense of Food: An Eaters Manifesto, told me. The drugs are not used to cure sick animals but to prevent them from getting sick, because we crowd them together under filthy circumstances. These are perfect environments for disease. And we also have found, for reasons that I dont think we entirely understand, that administering low levels of antibiotics to animals speeds their growth. The theory is that by killing intestinal bacteria the competition for energy is reduced, so that the animal absorbs more energy from the food and therefore grows faster. The Food and Drug Administration, which is often criticized for its lack of attention to the risks of widespread use of antibiotics, offers recommended, non-binding guidelines for these drugs but has rarely withdrawn approval for their application. A spokesman for the Center for Veterinary Medicine at the F.D.A. told me that the center believes that prudent drug-use principles are essential to the control of antimicrobial resistance. A study by David L. Smith, Jonathan Dushoff, and J. Glenn Morris, published by PLoS Medicine , from the Public Library of Science, in 2005, noted that the transmission of resistant bacteria from animal to human populations is difficult to measure, but that antibiotics and antibiotic-resistant bacteria ( ARB ) are found in the air and soil around farms, in surface and ground water, in wild-animal populations, and on retail meat and poultry. ARB are carried into the kitchen on contaminated meat and poultry, where other foods are cross-contaminated because of common unsafe handling practices. The researchers developed a mathematical model that suggested that the impact of the transmission of these bacteria from agriculture may be more significant than that of hospital transmissions. The problem is that we have created the perfect environment in which to breed superbugs that are antibiotic-resistant, Pollan told me. Weve created a petri dish in our factory farms for the evolution of dangerous pathogens. Ten years ago, the Institute of Medicine of the National Academy of Sciences, in Washington, D.C., assessed the economic impact of resistant microbes in the United States at up to five billion dollars, and experts now believe the figure to be much higher. In July, 2004, the Infectious Diseases Society of America released a white paper, Bad Bugs, No Drugs: As Antibiotic Discovery Stagnates . . . A Public Health Crisis Brews, citing 2002 C.D.C. data showing that, of that years estimated ninety thousand deaths annually in U.S. hospitals owing to bacterial infection, more than seventy per cent had been caused by organisms that were resistant to at least one of the drugs commonly used to treat them. Drawing on these data, collected mostly from hospitals in large urban areas which are affiliated with medical schools, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention found more than a hundred thousand cases of gram-negative antibiotic-resistant bacteria. No precise numbers for all infections, including those outside hospitals, have been calculated, but the C.D.C. also reported that, among gram-negative hospital-acquired infections, about twenty per cent were resistant to state-of-the-art drugs. In April, I visited Dr. Stuart Levy, at Tufts University School of Medicine. Levy is a researcher-physician who has made key discoveries about how bacteria become resistant to antibiotics. In addition to the natural cell envelope of Klebsiella , Levy outlined three primary changes in bacteria that make them resistant to antibiotics. Each change involves either a mutation in the bacteriums own DNA or the importation of mutated DNA from another. (Bacteria can exchange DNA in the form of plasmids, molecules that are shared by the microbes and allow them to survive inhibitory antibiotics.) First, the bacteria may acquire an enzyme that can either act like a pair of scissors, cutting the drug into an inactive form, or modify the drugs chemical structure, so that it is rendered impotent. Thirty years ago, Levy discovered a second change: pumps inside the bacteria that could spit out the antibiotic once it had passed through the cell wall. His first reports were met with profound skepticism, but now, Levy told me, most people would say that efflux is the most common form of bacterial resistance to antibiotics. The third change involves mutations that alter the inner contents of the microbe, so that the antibiotic can no longer inactivate its target. Global studies have shown how quickly these bacteria can develop and spread. This has been a problem in Mediterranean Europe that started about ten years ago, Dr. Christian Giske told me. Giske is a clinical microbiologist at Karolinska University Hospital, in Stockholm, who, with researchers in Israel and Denmark, recently reported on the worldwide spread of resistant gram-negative bacteria. He continued, It started to get really serious during the last five or six years and has become really dramatic in Greece. A decade ago, only a few microbes in Southern Europe had multidrug resistance; now some fifty to sixty per cent of hospital-acquired infections are resistant. Giske and his colleagues found that infection with a resistant strain of Pseudomonas increased, twofold to fivefold, a patients risk of dying, and increased about twofold the patients hospital stay. Like other experts in the field, Giskes team was concerned about the lack of new antibiotics being developed to combat gram-negative bacteria. There are now a growing number of reports of cases of infections caused by gram-negative organisms for which no adequate therapeutic options exist, Giske and his colleagues wrote. This return to the preantibiotic era has become a reality in many parts of the world. 文章分段,下边算第二篇译文原文 Doctors and researchers fear that these bacteria may become entrenched in hospitals, threatening any patient who has significant health issues. Anytime you hear about some kid getting snatched, you want to find something in that story that will convince you that that family is different from yours, Dr. Louis Rice, an expert in antibiotic resistance at Louis Stokes Cleveland VA Medical Center, told me. But the problem is that any of us could be an I.C.U. patient tomorrow. Its not easy to convey this to people if its not immediately a threat. You dont want to think about it. But its actually anybody who goes into a hospital. This is scary stuff. Rice mentioned that he had a mild sinusitis and was hoping it would not need to be treated, because taking an antibiotic could change the balance of microbes in his body and make it easier for him to contract a pathogenic organism while doing his rounds at the hospital. Genetic elements in the bacteria that promote resistance may also move into other, more easily contracted bugs. Moellering pointed out that, while Klebsiella seems best adapted to hospital settings, and poses the greatest risk to patients, other gram-negative bacteriaspecifically E. coli , which is a frequent cause of urinary-tract infection in otherwise healthy peoplehave recently picked up the genes from Klebsiella which promote resistance to antibiotics. In the past, large pharmaceutical companies were the primary sources of antibiotic research. But many of these companies have abandoned the field. Eli Lilly and Company developed the first cephalosporins, Moellering told me, referring to familiar drugs like Keflex. They developed a huge number of important anti-microbial agents. They had incredible chemistry and incredible research facilities, and, unfortunately, they have completely pulled out of it now. After Squibb merged with Bristol-Myers, they closed their antibacterial program, he said, as did Abbott, which developed key agents in the past treatment of gram-negative bacteria. A recent assessment of progress in the field, from U.C.L.A., concluded, FDA approval of new antibacterial agents decreased by 56 per cent over the past 20 years (1998-2002 vs. 1983-1987), noting that, in the researchers projection of future development only six of the five hundred and six drugs currently being developed were new antibacterial agents. Drug companies are looking for blockbuster therapies that must be taken daily for decades, drugs like Lipitor, for high cholesterol, or Zyprexa, for psychiatric disorders, used by millions of people and generating many billions of dollars each year. Antibiotics are used to treat infections, and are therefore prescribed only for days or weeks. (The exception is the use of antibiotics in livestock, which is both a profit-driver and a potential cause of antibiotic resistance.) Antibiotics are the only class of drugs where all the experts, as soon as you introduce them clinically, we go out and tell everyone to try to hold it in reserve, Rice pointed out. If there is a new cardiology drug, every cardiologist out there is saying that everyone deserves to be on it. In February, Rice wrote an editorial in the Journal of Infectious Diseases criticizing the lack of support from the National Institutes of Health; without this support, he wrote, the big picture did not receive the attention it deserved. Rice acknowledges that there are competing agendas. As loud as my voice might be, there are louder voices screaming AIDS , he told me. And there are congressmen screaming bioterrorism. Rice came up with the acronym ESKAPE bacteria Enterococcus faecium, Staphylococcus aureus, Klebsiella pneumoniae, Acinetobacter baumanni, Pseudomonas aeruginosa, and the Entero-bacter speciesas a way of communicating the threat these microbes pose, and the Infectious Diseases Society is lobbying Congress to pass the Strategies to Address Antimicrobial Resistance Act, which would earmark funding for research on ESKAPE microbes and also set up clinical trials on how to limit infection and antibiotic resistance. Rice has also proposed studies to determine the most effective useat what dosage, and for how longof antibiotics for common infections like bronchitis and sinusitis. Dr. Anthony Fauci is the director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, which chairs the federal interagency working group on microbial resistance. Fauci told me that the government is acutely aware of the severity of the problem. He pointed out that the N.I.H. recently issued a call for proposals to study optimal use of antibiotics for common bacterial infections. It has also funded so-called coperative agreements, including one on Klebsiella , to facilitate public-private partnerships where the basic research from the institute or from university laboratories can be combined with development by a pharmaceutical or a biotech company. Even so, the total funding for studying the resistance of ESKAPE microbes is about thirty-five million dollars, a fraction of the two hundred million dollars provided by the NIAID for research on antimicrobial resistance, most of which goes to malaria, t.b., and H.I.V. The difficulty that we are faced with is that our budget has been flat for the last five years, Fauci told me. In real dollars, weve lost almost fifteen per cent purchasing power, because of an inflation index of about three per cent for biomedical research and development. Since September 11, 2001, significant funding has been directed toward the study of anthrax and other microbes, like the one that causes plague, which could be used as bioweapons. Although there is little concern that Klebsiella or Acinetobacter might be weaponized, the basic science of their mutation and resistance could be useful in helping us to understand these threats. Fauci hopes to make the case that funds for biodefense should be used to study the ESKAPE bugs, but, for now, he is quick to point out the challenge posed by a lack of resources. The problem is, it is extremely difficult to do a prospective controlled trial, because when people come into the hospital they immediately get started on some treatment, which ruins the period of study, he said, referring to research into the treatment of common infections. The culture of American medicine makes a study like that more difficult to execute. These types of studieson how often, and for how long, antibiotics should be prescribedare much easier to conduct in countries where medicine is largely socialized and prescriptions are tightly regulated. Recently, researchers in Israel, where most citizens receive their care through such a system, showed that refraining from empirically prescribing antibiotics during the summer months resulted in a sharp decline in ear infections caused by antibiotic-resistant microbes. (In the United States, a 1998 study estimated that fifty-five per cent of all antibiotics prescribed for respiratory infections in outpatients22.6 million prescriptionswere unnecessary.) In Sweden, the government closely monitors all infections, and has the power to intervene as needed. Our infection-control people have a lot of authority, Giske said. This is power from the legislation. Once a resistant microbe is identified, stringent protocols are put in place, with dramatic results. Fewer than two per cent of the staphylococci in Sweden are MRSA , compared with sixty per cent in the United States. Of course, its only around ten million people, so its possible to intervene because everything is smaller, Giske said, adding, Maybe Swedes are more used to this type of intervention and regulation. Stuart Levys laboratory occupies the eighth floor of a renovated building on Harrison Avenue in Bostons Chinatown, across the street from Tufts Medical Center. As I passed from his office into the corridor, I detected the acrid smell of agar, which is used to grow bacteria. That day, a laboratory technician was testing specimens taken from the eyes of people with bacterial conjunctivitis who had been given an antibiotic eye drop containing fluoroquinolone. Levy was comparing the bacteria from the infected eyes with those in the noses, cheeks, and throats of the same patients. His technician held up a petri dish with a cranberry-colored agar base. The patients specimen was growing bacteria that were susceptible to the antibiotic; the drug had created a large oval clear zone on the plate which resembled the halo around the moon. The study investigates whether an antibiotic applied to the eye would affect bacteria in the nose and mouth as well, which might indicate that what seems to be an innocuous and limited treatment may profoundly change a wider area of the body and foster resistant microbes. Levy has also received funding from the N.I.H. to study Yersinia pestis , the microbe that causes plague; the Department of Agriculture has sponsored his study of Pseudomonas fluorescens , a soil-based bacterium that has the potential to protect plants from microbial infection. He plans to develop it as a biocontrol agent, so that farmers can be weaned off the potent antibiotics and chemicals they use to treat their fields. We need to treat biology with biology, not chemistry, he said. In other studies, Levy and his team are looking at ways to render bacteria nondestructive and noninvasive, so that they might enter the body without harmful effects. This makes it necessary to identify virulence factorswhich parts of the bacteria cause damage to our tissues. Levys laboratory is targeting a protein in gram-negative organisms called MAR , which appears to act as a master switch, turning on both virulence genes and genes that mediate resistance, like the efflux pump. In collaboration with a startup company called Paratek, of which Levy is a co-founder, his laboratory is screening novel compounds in the hope of finding a drug that blocks MAR . Frederick Ausubel, a bacterial geneticist at the Massachusetts General Hospital, in Boston, is searching for drugs to combat bacterial virulence, using tiny animals like worms, which have intestinal cells that are similar to those in humans, and which are susceptible to lethal microbial infection. The worm that Ausubel is studying, Caenorhabditis elegans , is one and a half millimetres in length. You are probably going to have to screen millions of compounds and you cant screen millions of infected mice, Ausubel said. So our approach was to find an alternative host that could be infected with human pathogens which was small enough and cheap enough to be used in drug screens. Whats remarkable is that many common human pathogens, including Staphylococcus and Pseudomonas , will cause intestinal infection and kill the worms. So now you can look for a compound that cures it, that prevents the pathogen from killing the host. Ausubel first screened some six thousand compounds by hand and found eight, none of them traditional antibiotics, that may protect the worms. He is also attempting, among other potential solutions, to find a compound that would block what is called quorum sensing, in which bacteria release small molecules to communicate with one another and signal when a critical mass is present. Once this quorum is reached, the bacteria turn on their virulence genes. Bacteria dont want to alert their host that they are there by immediately producing virulence factors which the host would recognize, triggering the immune system, Ausubel explained. When they reach a certain quorum, there are too many of them for the host to do anything about it. Bonnie Bassler, a molecular biologist at Princeton University, has recently shown that it is through quorum sensing that cholera bacteria are able to accumulate in the intestines and release toxins that can be fatal; Pseudomonas is also known to switch on its virulence genes in response to signals from quorum sensing. Moellering is enthusiastic but cautious about this avenue of research. Its a great idea, but so far nobody has been able to make it work for human infections, he told me. With certain types of staphylococci , Moellering said, mutations have occurred spontaneously in nature that cut down on a number of virulence factors . . . but they still cause serious infections. Im not sure that we have a way yet to use what we know about virulence factors to develop effective antimicrobial agents. And we almost certainly will have to use these agents in combination with antibiotics. No one, Moellering said, has developed a way to disarm bacteria sufficiently to allow the human body to naturally and consistently defend against them. I asked him what we should do to combat these new superbugs. Nobody has the answer right now, he said. The fact of the matter is that we have found all the easy targets for drug development. He went on, So the only other thing we can do is continue to work on antibiotic stewardship. Meanwhile, new resistant bacteria, Moellering asserted, arent going to go away. We can temper things, we might be able to slow the rate of emergence of resistance, but its unlikely that we will ever be able to conquer it. 标签: 微生物 , 翻译
个人分类: 医学|1735 次阅读|0 个评论
Final Warning (《新科学家》2008年6月25日封面文章)【小红猪翻译小分队】
eloa 2008-9-4 14:28
小红猪小分队 发表于2008-01-8 星期二 3:15 分类: 专辑 , 小红猪翻译小分队 | | 原文出自《新科学家》,链接为: http://environment.newscientist.com/channel/earth/mg19826621.500-oil-the-final-warning.html Section: Features Price is just the start of it. We need to kick the petroleum habit or well soon be in real trouble, says Ian Sample HOWLS of protest have been echoing round the globe as the price of oil punches through record highs with every passing week. In the UK, last month, hundreds of truckers descended on London to demand that planned fuel tax rises be scrapped. In continental Europe, where police clashed violently with truckers, two people died during the protests. Fishermen and farmers blockaded ports and depots in protest against the rocketing cost of diesel. Similar scenes played out across South America and Asia. In the US, the worlds thirstiest oil consumer, gasoline reached an all-time high of $4 per gallon, forcing the administration to lean on domestic producers and consider suing foreign oil exporters for allegedly rigging the market. When President Bush implored Saudi Arabia, which controls the lions share of the worlds proven reserves, to pump more from its wells, the Saudis came up with only a token increase. The situation is not about to improve. Bankers Goldman Sachs and Morgan Stanley have both suggested that the crude oil price could rise from the high of $139 a barrel (as New Scientist went to press) to $200 or more, while the financial speculator George Soros predicts that rising oil prices could send the US economy into recession. Expensive fuel at the pumps is just the start. These battles over the price of oil could be the harbinger of something even scarier. There is a growing realisation that we are teetering on the edge of an economic catastrophe which could be triggered next time there is a glitch in the worlds oil supply. A number of converging forces are making such an event more likely than ever before. First, there is the spectacular rise in global oil consumption, which, according to the International Energy Agency (IEA) now stands at 87 million barrels of crude (about 10 billion litres) a day. Most geologists now accept we have reached, or will imminently reach, peak oil. Some fields in the US and the North Sea have been pumped dry and production is becoming increasingly concentrated within fewer countries. Add a boost from speculators betting that things will get even worse, chicanery by the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) cartel which over the past two years has added Angola and Ecuador to its ranks to mask the decline in production of its existing members, and its not hard to see why prices have been forced ever upwards. But price conceals the much more complex mess were in. In the past, it has usually been possible to ride out any disruption to world oil flows - whether from accidents or hostile acts - by pumping more oil from the ground. That spare capacity has now all but vanished, as oil producers cash in on soaring prices by extracting as much of the stuff as they can. There is absolutely no slack in the system any more, says Gal Luft, executive director of the Institute for the Analysis of Global Security, a Washington DC-based think tank specialising in energy security. It is this lack of wriggle-room that has brought us to the brink. In the days when oil producers had more leeway, they could make up for a disruption somewhere in the system by quickly raising production by around 3 million barrels a day, says Nick Butler, head of the Cambridge Centre for Energy Studies, part of the University of Cambridges Judge Business School. That crucial reserve capacity has now fallen below the daily output of some producers - meaning that if the taps were turned off in any one of a number of unstable oil-supplying nations, such as Nigeria, Iraq, Iran or Angola, the impact would be felt almost immediately. This has left the oil market so fragile that a few well-placed explosives, an energy-sapping cold winter or an unusually intense hurricane season could send shock waves across the globe. The potential consequences are so serious that governments are drawing up emergency plans to cope should the worst happen. According to one analyst who took part in a simulation of just such a crisis, the situation most experts fear is what they call a psychological avalanche. Heres what happens. A small, distant country one day finds it can no longer import enough oil because of a spike in prices or problems with local supply. The news media whip this up into a story suggesting an oil shock is on the way, and the resulting panic buying by the public degenerates into a global grab for oil. Most industrialised countries keep an emergency reserve as a first line of defence, but in the face of worldwide panic buying this may not be enough. Countries in which the oil runs out face transport meltdown, wreaking havoc with international trade and domestic necessities such as food distribution, emergency services and daily commerce. Without oil everything stops. The roots of our oil addiction can be traced back to the end of the 19th century, when petroleum began to be pumped from wells across America. It wasnt long before it become obvious what a great transport fuel it could provide. Oil-based fuels paved the way for intensive farming and extensive road networks; they drove the influx of populations into cities, drove growth in shipping and eventually made mass air travel possible. Oil has shaped our civilisation. Without crude oil youd have no cars, no shipping, no planes, says Gideon Samid, head of the Innovation Appraisal Group (IAG) at Case Western Reserve University in Ohio. And its not just about fuels. A giant chemical industry relies on oil as its feedstock, and without it many of the products we now take for granted would vanish. Youd see no plastics, no bags, no toys, no cases on TVs, computers or radios. Its absolutely everywhere, says Samid. Much of the economic expansion and growth of the human population in the 20th century is directly tied to the availability of large amounts of cheap oil, says Cutler Cleveland, director of the Center for Energy and Environmental Studies at Boston University. There isnt a single good or service consumed on the planet, except in rural economies, that doesnt have oil embedded in it. Oil is the lifeblood of the global economy. The secret of oils success is its portability and extraordinarily high energy density. One barrel of oil contains the energy equivalent of 46 US gallons of gasoline; burn it and it will release more than 6 billion joules of heat energy, equivalent to the amount of energy expended by five agricultural labourers working 12-hour days non-stop for a year. The vast majority of oil is consumed by transport. In the US, that sector accounts for nearly 70 per cent of the 20.7 million barrels the country gets through each day.. More than half of the worlds oil comes from seven countries, the leading supplier being Saudi Arabia, which produces more than 10 million barrels a day. Then come Russia, the US, Iran, China, Mexico and Canada. Twenty years ago, there were 15 oilfields able to supply 1 million barrels a day. Now, there are only four. The largest is the Ghawar field in Saudi Arabia. The IEA, which advises 27 countries on oil emergencies, requires its members to hold at least 90 days worth of fuel, which can be pooled and released onto the market if a crisis looms. The system last swung into action in 2005 when hurricane Katrina caused the shutdown of more than 23 per cent of the USs oil production capacity. A few days after Katrina struck, the IEA ordered the release of 2 million barrels a day from reserve stocks for a month, the first time reserves had been released since the Gulf war in 1991. About half the worlds oil is distributed by tankers mainly plying a handful of key routes across the oceans. The rest goes through an extensive network of pipelines that can carry different grades of crude and synthetic compounds, such as lubricants. The bewildering complex of pipelines - extending 90,000 kilometres in the US alone - crosses continents and dips under oceans. The pipelines are often above ground and vulnerable to accidental damage or attacks by saboteurs. When working, however, they provide an extremely efficient way of transporting oil. A pipeline that pumps a relatively modest 150,000 barrels per day delivers the equivalent of 750 oil tanker truck loads or one delivery every 2 minutes, day and night. Even if a pipeline is damaged, it can usually be quickly repaired. Valves at intervals along the pipe can isolate the leak while the damaged section is replaced. Disruption can still be costly. A report in 2005 by a US House of Representatives subcommittee on terrorism reported that sabotage to oil pipelines in Iraq had cost the country more than $10 billion in lost revenues, even though protection had been a high priority for the coalition troops since they invaded two years before. The report suggested that groups hostile to the US and its allies were becoming increasingly expert at mounting these attacks. Choke points Even outside a conflict zone, accidents can cause serious disruption. Last year, the IEA was on standby to release reserves after an explosion in Minnesota shut down part of the 5000-kilometre Enbridge pipeline, which pumps 1.9 million barrels of crude a day from Canada to the US Midwest. This single incident halted one-fifth of US oil imports for days. Oil deliveries by sea are vulnerable too. A fleet of 4000 tankers plying six main routes delivers more than 43 million barrels of oil every day. Many of these routes pass through narrow choke points, and if any of these were to become impassable, even temporarily, the effect on oil supplies could be dramatic. For instance, more than 16 million barrels of oil a day are shipped through the Strait of Hormuz, at the mouth of the Persian Gulf, taking oil from Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates to the US, western Europe and Asia. At its narrowest point, the strait is only 33 kilometres wide. If necessary, some of Saudi Arabias exports could be diverted through the 1200-kilometre East-West pipeline to the Red Sea, but its maximum capacity is only 5 million barrels a day, half of which is already taken up. Between 1984 and 1987, during the Iran-Iraq war, both countries attacked tankers in the Strait of Hormuz, causing shipping to drop by 25 per cent. In 2003, the Bush administration claimed it had prevented further attacks on shipping in the strait. Another pinch point occurs in the Strait of Malacca, which narrows to just 2.7 kilometres between Sumatra and Singapore. Tankers from the Persian Gulf and west Africa transport some 15 million barrels a day through the strait en route to Japan, China and other Pacific destinations. A report by Luft claims that some tankers have been hijacked here by would-be terrorists whose initial aim has been simply to learn how to operate them. In 2003 a small chemical tanker called Dewi Madrim was taken over by 10 armed men, who sailed it through the strait before leaving with equipment and technical documents. One scenario being suggested is that hijackers might commandeer a liquid natural gas tanker plying one of these shipping routes, load it with explosives and use it to ram an oil tanker. If this floating bomb produced a burning oil slick, it could render the passage impassable for months, tipping the global economy into crisis as alternative routes would fail to make up the lost supplies. Another key element in the global oil infrastructure is Abqaiq, an enormous processing facility in Saudi Arabia, which removes sulphur from two-thirds of the countrys crude. The CIA estimates that seven months after a large-scale attack, output would still be only 40 per cent of its full capacity. More than half the oil from Abqaiq is pumped to the largest offshore oil terminal in the world, Ras Tanura on the Persian Gulf, which handles one-tenth of the worlds oil. This makes it a prime target for attack, and the site is as heavily defended as a military base. If you have a facility like this and a plane crashed into it, or terrorists get in and somehow succeed in blowing it up, then you have a very, very significant disruption on your hands. That is what analysts see as a doomsday scenario, Lufts says. Reuters reported that one planned attack on the terminal was thwarted in 2006. Saudi oil production is particularly vulnerable because it is concentrated in a few massive production and distribution sites. If one or two of these facilities goes down, then the entire system goes down, says Luft. So what would the impact be if oil supplies choked? In 2005, a group of current and former US government and national security officials were asked to address this in a live role-play exercise. Playing the part of the national security adviser was Robert Gates, who the following year became Secretary of Defense. The scenarios that unfolded were developed with officials from the Shell oil company in the Netherlands, a former US presidential counter-terrorism adviser and industry analysts. The simulation kicked off with an upsurge of political violence in Nigeria, the fifth-largest supplier of oil to the US. In the ensuing turmoil 600,000 barrels of oil production a day were lost from the Niger delta. The violence coincided with the start of a cold winter in the northern hemisphere, which increased demand by 700,000 barrels a day. Together, these events boosted the price of a barrel of oil from $58 to $82; a proportional rise today would push the price beyond $195. Events began to gather pace when, a month later, the simulation threw in an attack on the Haradh natural-gas processing plant in Saudi Arabia, which forced the country to cut 250,000 barrels per day from its exports - equivalent to the oil consumed every day in Switzerland - to meet domestic needs. Next, news arrived of an attempt to ram a hijacked supertanker into another vessel moored at a jetty at Ras Tanura. This was closely followed by a similar attack at the oil port of Valdez in Alaska, as well as a ground attack which set fuel depots alight. With the world oil shortfall now at 3.4 million barrels per day, the price per barrel had shot up to $123. Against the recent peak price of $139, that rise would take the cost per barrel to $295. The turmoil leads to an aggressive crackdown on anti-western groups and their sympathisers, which temporarily quells further attacks. Then, six months into the simulation, a terrorist campaign is launched against foreign workers in Saudi Arabia, killing 200 and wounding 250 within 48 hours. Evacuation of foreign workers follows. Though oil production continues unchecked, this loss of expertise leaves Saudi Arabia unable to meet future demand and with no spare capacity. Fears that this could lead to shortages in the future bring speculators into the market, and the price per barrel rises to $161. At the end of the simulation, global production has fallen by 3.5 million barrels a day, or 4 per cent of world oil supplies. One of the participants, Jim Woolsey, a former head of the CIA, described the scenarios as relatively mild compared to what is possible, yet this proved enough to almost triple the price of a barrel of crude. The key conclusion being drawn from this scenario is how reliant the global oil market is on Saudi Arabias ability to ramp up production on demand. If this extra oil is not available, the price rockets. Saudi Arabias recent reluctance to increase production and the ensuing price rises in todays real-life oil market amply bear out this prediction. So where does this leave us at a time when global oil production is approaching the point when it stops growing and starts to decline? Most industry experts, including geoscientists and economists, who were polled by Samid in 2007 said that peak production will occur by 2010. This contrasted with a similar survey conducted two years earlier, in which respondents were split, with many of the economists opting for a later date. Now, a real consensus is emerging, says Samid. This tells us that we will have to start making serious attempts to wean ourselves off oil, and fast. It will be no easy task. Its hardly conceivable that the world could function without oil, says Didier Houssin, director of oil markets and emergency preparedness at the IEA. Finding a replacement fuel for transport is the biggest challenge. So far all the alternatives have hit the skids. For example, hydrogen, which could potentially replace oil as a green fuel if made using renewable sources of energy, has storage and distribution problems. While biofuels, which could be an easier replacement for fossil fuels, require feedstocks that compete with food crops for water and agricultural land. To get these alternatives close to what oil can do, you have to invest a lot of money, says Cleveland, something most governments and energy companies have done reluctantly, and at pathetically low levels. These arent insurmountable problems, but they suggest the transition has some formidable challenges, he adds. One way or another oil will become more scarce, even more costly and will always have the disadvantage of generating carbon dioxide when its burned. However hard it may be, the sooner we make the break, the better. ~~~~~~~~ By Ian Sample Ian Sample is science correspondent for The Guardian newspaper in London 标签: 翻译 , 能源
个人分类: 小红猪翻译小分队|1968 次阅读|0 个评论
The Sky Line-out of the blocks (《纽约客》2008年8月11日)【小红猪翻译小分队】
eloa 2008-9-4 14:27
小红猪小分队 发表于2008-01-8 星期二 3:15 分类: 小红猪翻译小分队 , 翻译 | | 原文来自《纽约客》,2008年6月2日,链接 http://www.newyorker.com/arts/critics/skyline/2008/06/02/080602crsk_skyline_goldberger photo: The steel lattice surrounding the Beijing National Stadium looks likea giganitic sculpture, but most of the beams are structural, not decorative. Photograph by Iwan Baan. To understand just how important the Beijing Olympics are to China, you have only to look at where the Olympic Green has been built. During Beijings first building boomsix hundred years before the current onethe city was laid out symmetrically on either side of a north-south axis. As in Pariswhere the Louvre lines up with the Tuileries, the Arc de Triomphe, and the Champs-lysesBeijings most symbolically important structures have fallen along the main axis. In the center is the former imperial residence of the Forbidden City. North of this is the Jingshan, a park surrounding an artificial hill where the last Ming emperor is said to have hanged himself, and, beyond that, the Drum Tower and the Bell Tower, which for centuries helped Beijings inhabitants tell the time. In 1958, when the Communists expanded Tiananmen Square, at the southern gate of the Forbidden City, they placed the Monument to the Peoples Heroes on the same axis, in the center of the square. Mao Zedongs mausoleum, also in the square, is on the axis, too. And now, spread over twenty-eight hundred acres at the opposite end of the axis, is Beijings Olympic Green. If Tiananmen Square is a monument to the Maoist policy of self-sufficiency, the Olympic Green, ten miles and fifty years away, is an architectural statement of intent every bit as cleara testament to the global ambitions of the worlds fastest-growing major economy. At least two of the buildings on the Olympic Greenthe National Stadium, by the Swiss architects Jacques Herzog and Pierre de Meuron, and the National Aquatics Center, by the Australian firm PTW Architectsare as innovative as any architecture on the planet, marvels of imagination and engineering that few countries would have the nerve or the money to attempt. The Chinese, right now, have plenty of both. These buildings, some of the most advanced in the world, are made possible partly by the presence of huge numbers of low-paid migrant workers. When I visited the stadium with Linxi Dong, the architect who heads Herzog and de Meurons Beijing office, he told me that the construction crew for his project numbered nine thousand at its peak. The National Stadium is already widely known by an apt nickname, the Birds Nest. The concrete wall of the arena is wrapped with a latticework exterior of crisscrossing columns and beams, a tangle of twisting steel twigs. The lattice arcs upward and inward over the stadiums seats (there are ninety-one thousand), supporting a translucent roof and forming an oculus around the track. The center of the roof, over the field, has been left open. The engineering required to keep all this metal in the air is highly sophisticated: the building may look like a huge steel sculpture, but most of the beams are structural, not decorative. The drama of the Birds Nest is even more arresting than that of the Allianz Arena, the Munich soccer stadium, which Herzog and de Meuron sheathed entirely in billows of translucent plastic, in 2005. Much of the spectacle derives from the interplay of the steel lattice and the concrete shell underneath. The outer wall of the concrete structure is painted bright redone of the buildings few overtly nationalistic touchesand when lit up at night it shines through the latticework, an enormous red egg glowing inside its nest. On leaving, you experience the excitement of the knotted metal in a new way, looking out over Beijing through the wacky frame of the slanting columns. Next door to the Birds Nest is the Aquatics Center, known as the Water Cube, a rectilinear building with a blue-gray exterior of translucent plastic pillows set in an irregular pattern intended to evoke bubbles. John Pauline, who is the head of the Beijing office of PTW Architects, told me that the design emerged from a desire to find a way of expressing the feeling of water. We started out with ripples and waves and steam, he said. We basically looked at every state of water we could imagine. And then we hit on the idea of foam. Working with the engineering firm Arup, which also collaborated on the Birds Nest, PTW developed cladding made of variously sized cells of ETFE, or ethylene tetrafluoroethylene, a translucent plastic somewhat similar to Teflon. Among architects, ETFE is the material of the momentHerzog and de Meuron used it for the faade of their Munich stadium and for the roof of the Birds Nestand it has many practical virtues. It weighs only one per cent as much as glass, transmits light more effectively, and is a better insulator, resulting in a thirty-per-cent saving in energy costs. Furthermore, the pillows dont just evoke bubbles; they are bubbles, twin films of ETFE, eight one-thousandths of an inch thick, placed together to form a cell, which is then inflated. The real achievement of the Water Cube is less its technical wizardry than the transformation of the faintly trite idea of a bubble building into a piece of elegant, enigmatic architecture. The architects decided that, to play off the oval shape of the Birds Nest, the Aquatics Center would have to be square, and the constraint of straight lines seems to have insured that the bubble metaphor didnt get out of hand. The Water Cubes walls suggest the soap foam on a shower dooror perhaps, since some of the bubbles are as much as twenty-four feet across, on the slide of a microscope. From the outside, the almost random arrangement of cells establishes a kind of correspondence with the irregular struts of the Birds Nest. When you are inside the main hall of the Water Cube, the pattern of cells above and the green-blue tinge of the pool give you the feeling of being under water yourself and looking up toward the surface. Although Chinas burgeoning wealth owes much to its export industries, for the Olympics the country has been content to play the reverse role, buying the most futuristic architecture that the rest of the world has to offer, rather than showcasing native talent. The work of Chinese architects has largely been relegated to a jumble of functional but uninspiring buildings. (There are thirty-one Olympic venues in all.) An important exception is Digital Beijing, a control center on the Olympic Green, designed by a Chinese firm, Studio Pei Zhu. Like the Water Cube, Digital Beijing steers dangerously close to a kitschy conceit. It consists of four narrow slabs set close together in parallel to resemble a row of microchips or, perhaps, hard drives. Some of the walls have glass cutouts in a linear pattern clearly designed to evoke a circuit boardthey light up green at night. Yet the finished building has a dignity that is surprising. This is due in part to Pei Zhus choice of materialsthe walls are clad in a sober grayish stoneand in part to the proportions of the four slabs, whose narrowness and lack of adornment give the building an austerity that is the opposite of kitsch. Pei Zhu may be Chinese, but his building is thoroughly international in style. (He was educated at the University of California and has worked both in China and abroad.) Indeed, apart from the red of the Birds Nest, there is little that is traditionally Chinese in any of the Olympic developments. The scale and ambition of the project is an unmistakable statement of national pride, yet China, strangely, has been content to make this statement using the vocabulary of the kind of international luxury-modernism that you might just as easily see in Dubai or SoHo or Stuttgartdizzyingly complex computer-generated designs, gorgeously realized in fashionable materials. The message seems clear: anything you can do, we can do better. The first Olympic Games of the modern era, in 1896, were held in an ancient stadium in Athens that the Greeks refurbished for the occasion. The swimming events took place in the Aegean Sea. The next Olympics, in Paris in 1900, had no stadium at all. The track-and-field competitions were held on the streets of the city and on the grass of the Bois de Boulogne, which the French did not want to disfigure with a proper track. Swimmers were left to cope with the currents of the Seine. The idea that cities could attract the Olympics by promising lavish facilities probably began after 1906, when the eruption of Mt. Vesuvius put an end to a plan to have the 1908 Games in Rome. The British saw Italys misfortune as an opportunity and offered to build a stadium big enough to hold a hundred and fifty thousand people, in Shepherds Bush, London. The White City Stadium, as it was called, was the first stadium to be erected specifically for the Olympics. Soon, countries were openly vying with one another to host the Games. (What is the Olympic ideal, after all, but national rivalry dressed up as global amity?) The apogee of triumphalism was reached, notoriously, in Berlin, in 1936, when Hitler, who wasnt yet in power when the Games were awarded to the city, embraced the Olympics as the way to show off the might of the Nazi regime. Architecture was as much a part of his vision as the gold medals, though his taste ran to the turgid and overblown. He tore down a perfectly good, barely used stadium, replaced it with the largest stadium in the world, and then built a hundred-and-thirty-acre Olympic Village, with a hundred and forty buildings laid out in the shape of a map of Germany. Since the Second World War, host countries have avoided such bombastic excess, but they have usually seen the Olympics as an opportunity to pin a gold medal on one or more of their leading architects. There was Pier Luigi Nervis innovative, seemingly floating concrete dome on his stadium for the Rome Olympics, in 1960; Kenzo Tanges swooping, sculptural gymnasium for Tokyo, in 1964; Gnter Behnisch and Frei Ottos canopied stadium for Munich, in 1972. For the Barcelona Olympics, in 1992, the Spanish architect Santiago Calatrava was enlisted to build a communications tower that would serve as an Olympic symbol. Calatravas angular, precarious-looking design, inspired by an arm holding the Olympic torch, established his world-wide reputation and remains one of the citys most visible structures. But the Barcelona Olympics also marked a new approach to Olympic architecture, one that placed as much emphasis on the relationship between the city and its facilities as on the sports venues themselves. Barcelona used the Games as an occasion to redevelop its waterfront and design a series of new parks, fountains, and works of public art to attract tourists after the Games were over. Since then, cities have been keen to use the Olympics to leverage other civic improvements, on the premise that if youre spending billions to refurbish a city you should at least invest in buildings that have long-term utility. Thats why the legacy of the 1996 Olympics, in Atlanta, isnt any of the athletic buildings but a major new park and housing for athletes that became new dormitories for Georgia Tech. The plan for the 2012 Olympics, in London, takes this idea a step further. Although there is one flashy commission for a British architect (an aquatics center, designed by Zaha Hadid, in the form of a giant wave), the London Olympics are distinctly short on architectural extravaganzas. The main stadium, to be designed by a large American firm that has had a lock on football and baseball stadiums for years, will be dull compared to the Birds Nest. When I talked to Ricky Burdett, a professor of architecture and urbanism at the London School of Economics, who is an adviser to the London Olympics, he told me that London did not feel the need to prove itself through spectacular works of Olympic architecture. We had a big debate over whether we should build a new stadium at all, he said. We were much more interested in how an intervention on this scale will affect a city socially and culturally. The British government plans to invest roughly nineteen billion dollars in an Olympic site, in the East End of London. When the Olympics end, much of the area will become a park, and sales of private development sites around it are expected to enable the government to recoup much of its investment. Burdett said, London has always been poor in the east and rich in the west. The London Olympics can rebalance London. Beijing, evidently, has other priorities. For all the sleek modernity of much of the construction, theres no mistaking the old-fashioned monumentalist approach behind it. This is an Olympics driven by image, not by sensitive urban planning. Its true that there has been a much needed and well-executed expansion of Beijings subway system, but most of the impact of the Olympics has been cosmeticthe trees planted along the expressway to the airport, for example, or the cleanup of some of the roadways leading to the Olympic Green. Bordering one stretch of congested elevated ring road, stone walls, like the ones surrounding the old Beijing hutongs , or alleyway neighborhoods, have been erected. But, with not much behind them, they are little more than a stage setPotemkin hutongs designed to distract visitors from the fact that so many real hutongs are being demolished for high-rise construction. In todays Beijing, forcible eviction is common, and hundreds of thousands of people have been displaced to make way for the Olympics. The brightness of the Olympic halo gives Beijings relentless expansion a surface sheen, but its only a distraction from the citys deeper planning problems, such as air and water pollution and overcrowding. In general, the Chinese authorities have been less interested in solving these problems than in keeping the construction engine going at full throttle. Still, the Olympic site did require some planning and, in 2002, a competition was held to create a master plan. It attracted entries from ninety-six architects around the world, and was won by a Boston firm, Sasaki Associates. Despite its straight-line connection to the Forbidden City, the Olympic Green lies in a district that, in recent years, has become a forest of undistinguished high-rise apartment buildings and commercial towers. (The site also includes a mundane athletic compound erected for the 1985 Asian Games, and these leftover structures are all being refurbished for the Olympics.) Dennis Pieprz, the president of Sasaki, who was in charge of the scheme, explained to me that the firm struggled for a long time with the question of how to treat Beijings axis. The Chinese tradition of aligning important public buildings created a huge temptation to put the stadium right on the axis, he said. But we decided that in the twenty-first century we were beyond that, and that we should, instead, symbolize infinity, and the idea of the people in the center, not a building. So Sasaki placed the stadium just to the east of the axis and the Water Cube just to the west; the space directly on the axis was left open. Pieprz told me that he felt that considering the long-term use of the site was essential. We needed a plan that could accept other civic, cultural, recreational, and commercial uses, so the place would become a major destination, he said. Sasaki envisions the Olympic site as becoming a large park, with each of the major buildings taking on a public function. The Birds Nest will remain as the national stadium, its capacity reduced to a more practical eighty thousand by the removal of several tiers of seats; the Water Cube will lose almost two-thirds of its seventeen thousand seats, the upper tiers to be replaced by multipurpose rooms. You are making a city, not a spatial extravaganza that will be interesting just for sixteen days, Pieprz said. But, whatever the architects feel, its not clear that the Chinese are really that interested in long-term uses. The focus is on August, and on confirming before the world Beijings status as a modern, global city. However well the buildings are refitted afterward, its hard to see how the Olympic park will relate to the rest of the city, beyond being a welcome piece of green space in an increasingly built-up, sprawling metropolis. The success of what China has built for the Olympics will ultimately be measured not by how these buildings look during the Games but by the kind of change they bring about in the city. The billions of dollars spent on the Olympic site, after all, are only a fraction of the money that has been invested in construction in Beijing since the Games were awarded to the city, in 2001. The city, however, has yet to build a public space as inventive as that of post-Olympics Barcelona, or to think of the impact of the Olympics in terms as sophisticated as pre-Olympics London. In both conception and execution, the best of Beijings Olympic architecture is unimpeachably brilliant. But the development also exemplifies traitsthe reckless embrace of the fashionable and the global, the authoritarian planning heedless of human costthat are elsewhere denaturing, even destroying, the fabric of the city. 标签: 小红猪 , 建筑 , 翻译
个人分类: 小红猪翻译小分队|2454 次阅读|0 个评论
Why complex systems do better without us(《新科学家》8月6日封面文章)【小红猪翻译小分队】
eloa 2008-9-4 14:26
小红猪小分队 发表于2008-01-8 星期二 12:57 分类: 小红猪翻译小分队 , 翻译 | | 原文链接: http://www.newscientist.com/channel/being-human/mg19926681.500-why-complex-systems-do-better-without-us.html Sometimes life runs more smoothly when you stop trying to control it. Mark Buchanan goes with the flow Why complex systems do better without us ●WE HUMANS prefer the tidy to the untidy, the ordered to the disordered. We like pristine geometrical regularity, and eschew what is erratic and irregular. We want predictability and, more than anything, we want control. In these confusing times, it might seem as if we have little power over anything. Instead of letting it get us down, though, perhaps we should take comfort from the work of Dirk Helbing , a physicist at the Swiss Federal Institute of Technology (ETH) in Zurich. Helbing has been studying the movement of tens of thousands of cars on road networks; the workings of vast webs of interacting machines on factory floors; and other systems, where the complexity of what happens and why routinely defeats the human mind. What Helbing and others are finding is that our penchant for regularity and control is seriously misguided. In many situations they are discovering that it is better to give up some of our control and let systems find their own solutions. Often the answers turn out to be unlike anything our minds would imagine, yet the outcomes are far more efficient. The findings come as something of a relief to todays engineers, who are increasingly dealing with problems too complicated for them to solve. Take one of the earliest successes chalked up by machines allowed to take control. Back in 1992, General Motors were having trouble managing the automated painting of trucks at an assembly plant in Fort Wayne, Indiana. Machines in 10 different paint booths could paint trucks as they came off the line, but because the trucks came off in an unpredictable order and the painting machines needed sporadic maintenance and repair, finding an efficient assignment of trucks to booths seemed impossible. General Motors visionary engineer Dick Morley suggested letting the painting machines find a schedule themselves. He set out some simple rules by which the various machines would bid for newly available paint jobs, trying their best to stay busy while taking account of the need for maintenance and so on. The results were remarkable, if a little weird. The system saved General Motors more than $1 million each year in paint alone. Yet the line ran to a schedule that no one could predict, made up on the fly by the machines themselves as they responded to emerging needs. Production processes generally depend on so many inputs, parameters and factors that even small changes in the set-up can lead to wildly different and unpredictable consequences. That is why it is almost impossible to predict what will happen in a new production line based on previous experience. Managers sometimes take performance in past set-ups and try to estimate what will happen in a new setting by interpolation, says Helbing. This often gives very bad results. To cope, he says, engineers need a healthy respect for the complex unpredictability of these systems and how natural human inclinations often lead to undesirable outcomes. You cant steer these things like you can a bus, says Helbing. You have to learn to use the systems own self-organising tendencies to your advantage. Helbing has come to this view by an unusual path. Though he trained as a physicist, he became fascinated in the early 1990s by parallels between physics and human movements. I was inspired by the similarity between fluid flows and how people walk around obstacles, he recalls. For nearly two decades, he and colleagues have been studying the mathematics of collective human motion, which explains why Helbing now holds a chair in sociology. Social scientists usually focus on the variability of human behaviour, which is hard to predict. But Helbing argues that in many cases it isnt very important. Thats because circumstances often constrain peoples options so much that humans respond almost automatically to external forces, making their average behaviour predictable. On the roads, for instance, people generally drive close to or just over the speed limit, similar to the way self-propelled particles repel one another when they get too close. Although the behaviour of individuals is often simple, the collective patterns to which it leads can be counter-intuitive, making common sense a faulty guide to what might happen. For example, it is generally true that traffic jams become more likely as traffic density increases. Its not always the case, though, as Helbings group has shown. Consider a two-lane road carrying both cars and trucks, where the cars are moving faster on average. At low traffic densities, the cars have plenty of space to overtake and can easily pass the trucks. As the traffic density increases, drivers find it more difficult to overtake because other vehicles are in the way. However, evidence from simulations and real traffic flows shows that at a critical density of traffic, the obstruction to lane-changing begins to have a beneficial effect. Because drivers tend to stay in one lane, they disturb the flow of traffic less, leading to a higher total throughput of vehicles. Similar counter-intuitive results show up in crowds of people. In simulations and experiments, Helbings team has confirmed what they call the slower-is-faster effect. When people try to escape from a room through a doorway, more get out if everyone stops rushing as this prevents obstructions. Surprisingly, it turns out that placing an obstacle in front of the door can actually enable people to get out faster, as it helps to regulate the flow of people and maintain its fluidity. A suitable obstacle can improve the outflow by about 30 to 40 per cent, says Helbing. What makes it work is that crowds adjust to local conditions. When two streams of people meet at either end of a narrow passage, you might expect a jam to form as only a chaotic trickle of people pass through. But in real life, people often do something completely different: they organise so that a group goes through first in one direction and then the other, as long as the density isnt too high. The crowd organises itself spontaneously to a better outcome. Helbing has found that you can model crowds using ideas akin to those from physics. As a queue grows on one side of the passage, it produces something resembling the pressure of a fluid or a gas. A high density of people pressing together ultimately acts to drive people through the opening, thereby relieving the pressure. Further work has convinced him that systems involving pedestrians, traffic and products flowing through factories often work in surprisingly similar ways, hence lessons learned about one may also apply to another. Last year, Helbing and Stefan Lammer at the Technical University of Dresden in Germany began wondering if traffic lights could also be engineered to cut congestion. According to a report by David Shrank and Tim Lomax at the Texas A M University in College Station, congestion in the US alone costs an estimated $78.2 billion, wastes 4.2 billion hours in delays and 10.9 billion litres of fuel. So the potential impact of efficient traffic flow could be huge. This would mean giving traffic lights a way to adapt their behaviour, which most of todays systems lack. At the moment, engineers force traffic into patterns that appear favourable. Lights on main roads stay green longer during peak hours, for example. But its the engineers who do this tuning based on average conditions observed in the past; most traffic lights dont have the flexibility to respond to changing conditions on their own. Engineers also take some things for granted, such as the notion that lights must be managed from a central control. Lights can do a better job, Helbing and Lammer have found, if they are given some simple operating rules and left to organize their own solution. To demonstrate this, they developed a mathematical model that assumed traffic flowed like a fluid, a wellestablished traffic engineering technique. The model also describes what happens at road intersections, where traffic entering from one road has to leave by another, much like fluid moving through a network of pipes. Of course, jams can arise if traffic entering a road overloads its capacity. To avoid this, Helbing and Lammer make the lights at each intersection respond to growing traffic pressure, like the people going through the passage. Each set of lights carries sensors that feed information about the traffic conditions at a given moment into a computer, which then calculates the flow of vehicles expected in the near future. The computer also works out how long the lights should stay green in order to clear the road and relieve the pressure. In this way, each set of lights can estimate for itself how best to adapt to the conditions expected at the next moment. Best left alone This isnt enough, however, because the lights might adapt too much. If they are only adapting to conditions locally, they might cause trouble further away. To avoid this, Helbing and Lammer have devised a scheme whereby neighbouring lights share their information so that what happens around one traffic light can affect how others respond. By doing so, the self-organised lights prevent long jams from forming. Despite the simplicity of these rules, they seem to work remarkably well. Helbing and Lammer have demonstrated in simulations that lights operating this way should achieve a significant reduction in overall travel times and keep no one waiting at a light too long (See diagram, below 等你们抢到了我再给你看图吧不会贴。 ). Nonetheless, the behaviour of the lights doesnt generally fit with human notions of what ought to be efficient. How long lights stay green is unpredictable, says Lammer. Yet the average journey times go down and become more predictable. Whats more, the scheme eliminates other irritating problems that afflict traditional traffic control. At quiet times, drivers typically have to wait far longer than is really necessary at intersections because the lights schedules are designed to serve a large number of vehicles. And in the middle of the night, lights keep stopping cars even when there is no need. The self-organising traffic scheme eliminates these problems because the lights remain responsive to local demands, for instance sensing an approaching car and changing to green to let it through. Town planners are beginning to look at self-organising lights as a practical solution to looming traffic congestion. Helbing and Lammer are working with a local traffic agency in Dresden, Germany, first to test and then hopefully to implement the idea. In early simulations based on Dresdens road layout, they have had encouraging results. Weve found significant reductions in waiting times and fuel consumption, and we can also accelerate public transport, says Lammer. Authorities in Zurich, Switzerland, have also been taken by the idea. Yet Helbing and Lammer suggest their scheme only begins to illustrate the potential for self-organised traffic flow. The technology to make cars also sense and respond to local conditions already exists, and many of us may soon cede at least some control of our car to on-board guidance systems. If cars can talk to one another, Helbing and his colleagues have shown, they could improve traffic conditions even more greatly reducing the severity of jams at times and possibly even eliminating them altogether (see Cruise Control, below). The wider lesson is that we just cant trust our intuition when it comes to the supercomplex systems that we depend on today. We may never learn exactly how to control these systems in the traditional fashion and the best way to cope may be by learning new principles for letting them manage themselves. Engineering isnt just about solving problems any more, but building systems that can solve their own problems. Being in control, it seems, may increasingly demand being a little out of control. ●Mark Buchanans latest book is The Social Atom (Cyan Books, 2007) Further Reading: Self-control of traffic lights and vehicle flows in urban road networks by Stefan L 鋗 mer and Dirk Helbing, www.arxiv.org/abs/0802.0403 Cruise Control Some of todays cars already contain technology that lets a driver hand over some control to on-board devices. Unlike conventional cruise control, which simply maintains a drivers chosen speed, adaptive cruise control (ACC) uses radar to sense the distance and speed of the car in front. By updating that information several times a second, the system maintains the cars speed and separation distance and automatically brakes if the car in front slows down, or accelerates when the leading vehicle does. Also, it responds faster and more accurately than human reflexes. In recent simulations, engineer Arne Kesting at the Technical University of Dresden in Germany, working with Dirk Helbing at the Swiss Federal Institute for Technology in Zurich and others, have studied how the technology might help traffic respond to emerging problems. While it may be some time before most automobiles on the highway are fitted with adaptive cruise control, the researchers have shown that even a small fraction of users could make a huge difference. At the moment, drivers can respond only to conditions they encounter or perhaps hear about on radio reports. ACC cars could easily be fitted with sensors able to receive signals conveying local traffic conditions from roadside monitors or other cars. Kesting and his colleagues suggest that these signals could reduce congestion by making cars equipped with ACC drive more intelligently. For instance, cars flowing out of a traffic jam could automatically drive closer together in order to clear the jam faster. Meanwhile, cars approaching the jam would slow more gradually, rather than brake abruptly when reaching it. This would maintain greater fluidity in the traffic, improving road capacity and stability of traffic flow. Kestings simulations suggest that if 25 per cent of the cars were using ACC, the scheme could eliminate many traffic jams. Even if only 3 per cent of the cars were equipped, travel times could be significantly reduced. Kesting and Helbing are currently testing these ideas with Volkswagen and hope to see the scheme on real roads in a few years. 标签: 翻译
个人分类: 小红猪翻译小分队|1875 次阅读|0 个评论
(译)比我们想象的更奇怪 by 理查德.道金斯
songshuhui 2008-9-3 15:44
红猪 发表于2008-04-29 星期二 12:59 分类: 生物 | |   这是理查德.道金斯在TED上做的演讲。中间听漏了几句,但大意应该都在。演讲中提出了几个有意思的问题,比如:一块石头中,空间占据的体积肯定比粒子占据的体积大,可是,我们为什么都认为石头是物体,不认为它是空虚呢?又比如:对大多数人而言,量子力学为何显得如此高深莫测呢? http://www.ted.com/index.php/talks/view/id/98         比我们想象的更奇怪      理查德.道金斯   红猪译      我演讲的题目是《比我们想象的更奇怪:奇怪的科学》。说出比我们想象的更奇怪的,是著名的生物学家J.B.S 霍尔丹,他说:我本人怀疑,宇宙不仅比我们想象的更奇怪,而且比我们能够想象的更奇怪。我怀疑在天地间存在比任何哲学想象到或能够想象到的更多的东西。量子理论在某种意义上必然是正确的,可是量子理论赖以提出这些预测的前提是如此神秘,以至于费曼本人都不得不说出这样的话:如果你认为自己明白了量子理论,你就没有明白量子理论。它是如此奇怪,物理学家提出了这样那样自相矛盾的解释。大卫.多奇,这个讲座的主讲人之一,在他的《真实世界的脉络》中,接受了量子理论的多世界解释,因为你能对这种解释做出的最坏评价,就是说它古怪而无用。它预设了数量巨大、越来越多的平行宇宙,除了通过量子力学实验中打开的狭窄门户之外,它们彼此之间无法相互观测。理查费曼就说到这里。生物学家Lowis Wolpert相信,量子力学只是诸多例子中比较极端的一个。科学不像技术,它违反了人类的直觉。他指出,每次你喝一玻璃杯的水,你喝下的水分子中就有可能有一个曾经通过奥利佛.克伦威尔的膀胱。这只是概率论初阶。一个玻璃杯中的水分子数量比世界上玻璃杯的数量和膀胱的数量都多得多。 当然了,克伦威尔和膀胱并没有什么特别的地方。      比我们想象的更奇怪。是什么使我们能够想象任何事物?它能告诉我们关于我们想象出来的事物吗? 是不是会有这样的事物:它们永远超出我们的理解,却能被拥有更高智力的生物所理解?是不是会存在一些有关宇宙的事物,它们在原则上就是不可理解的,无论是对多高的智力而言。 科学的历史是一长串风暴,一代又一代的科学家进入了宇宙中越来越奇怪的层面。我们已经习惯认为地球是围绕太阳转动的,要理解那在认识上是多大的革命就显得困难了。很明显,地球看上去巨大而静止,太阳看上去渺小而运动,有必要回忆一下维特根斯坦对这个主题讲的话。 告诉我,他有一次问一个朋友,为什么人们总觉得是太阳在围着地球转,而不是地球本身在转动呢?他朋友回答说:嗯,很明显,看上去就是太阳在绕着地球转呀。维特根斯坦反问道:那么,要让地球看上去是在转动,那看上去应该是什么样子的呢?科学告诉了我们一个违反直觉的事实:诸如晶体和岩石这样的实心物体,几乎完全是由虚空组成的。我们熟悉的一个例子就是:一个原子的原子核就像是足球场中的一只苍蝇,相邻原子的原子核是隔壁球场中的另一只苍蝇。所以说,看上去最最坚硬密实的岩石,其内部几乎完全是空的,这虚空偶尔被粒子隔断,而粒子之间的空间大到了可以对它们忽略不计的地步。可为什么岩石看上去如此密实坚硬,如此不可穿透呢?作为一名演化生物学家,我得这样说:我们的大脑经过演化,能够帮助我们在自身活动的大小和速度范围内获得生存机会。我们没有演化出在原子世界中漫游的能力,如果我们有的话,我们的大脑有可能真会把岩石看作是空心的。岩石在我们的手中有坚硬和不能穿透的感觉,原因正是我们的手掌和岩石无法彼此穿透。因此,我们的大脑建构出坚硬和不能穿透的概念就显得很有用了。因为这些概念帮助我们在我们需要航行的、中等大小的世界中航行。在尺度的一端,我们的祖先无需用接近光速的速度在宇宙空间中航行,如果他们曾经需要这样做的话,我们的大脑理解起爱因斯坦来就会更容易。      我想把我们在其中演化的中等尺度的环境命名为中观世界(middle world)。(和《魔戒》的中土世界没有关系,是中观世界)我们是中观世界中的居民,想象力受到了限制。我们在直觉上很容易把握这样的事件:一只兔子以中等速度移动,这个中观世界的物体撞上了另一个中观世界的物体,比如一块石头,然后兔子就把自己撞晕了。      我想介绍一下陆军少将Albert Stubblebine,他在1983年的时候担任情报保卫指挥部的总司令。他注视着在弗吉尼亚阿灵顿的那堵墙,决定动身。他准备进入隔壁的办公室。他起身从办公桌后面走了出来。原子主要是由什么组成的呢?他想。空间。他开始走动。我主要是由什么组成的呢?――原子。他加快了脚步,简直是在小跑了。墙壁主要是由什么组成的呢?――原子!我要做的,只是将空间融合。然后,将军的鼻子就重重撞在了墙上。这位手下指挥6万士兵的将军,对自己没能穿过墙壁困惑不已。他坚信有一天这种能力会成为军中的常规技巧,这样的一支军队还会有对手吗?这个故事是我前几天在《花花公子》里读到的;我相信它是真的。(我读《花花公子》是因为上面登了我的一篇文章。)      当伽利略告诉人们,轻物体和重物体同时落地的时候,没有被任何理论装备的人类直觉很难相信他的话,因为在中观世界里,空气摩擦总是存在的。如果我们的演化发生在真空中,我们就会预料到它们会同时落地了。 如果我们是细菌,总是被热运动中的分子阻挡,我们的认识就不同的。我们这些中观人体积太大,注意不到布朗运动。同样的道理,重力控制着我们的生存,而对于表面张力我们却一无所知。对于昆虫来说,这两种力的重要性和我们认为的正相反。Steve Grand,图中左边的这位(右边的是道格拉斯.亚当斯)在他的著作《创生:生命以及生命的制造》(Creation: life and how to make it)中,破坏了我们对物质本身的迷恋,我们总忍不住认为只有实心的、有实体的东西才算是物体,而波动,真空中的电磁波看上去就显得不真实。维多利亚时代的人认为,波动必然是在介质中的波动,他们把这种介质叫做以太。我们觉得真正的物质叫人安心,因为在我们演化的中观世界中,物质是个有用的虚构。Steve Grand认为,一个漩涡和一块石头一样,也是实在的物体。在坦桑尼亚的一处沙漠平原中,在伦盖火山的阴影下,有一座火山灰形成的沙丘,美妙的是:它处于整体移动中。整个沙丘在沙漠上朝着西面行走,速度大约是每年70米,它在移动中保持着半月形状,风把一侧的沙子吹到了沙丘顶端,这些沙子再从顶端滑到另一侧,沙丘就是这么移动的。Steve Grand指出:你我本人都更像是波动,而不是永恒的物体。他请我们思考一下童年的一段经历,你能清楚地记得这段经历,你能看见它、触摸它、闻到它,仿佛身临其境。无论如何,小时候的你是去过那里的,不是吗?不然你怎么会记得呢?但是问题就在这里:现在的你并没有去过那里。那段经历发生的时候,组成现在的你的分子没有一个去过那里。分子四处流动,暂时集合在一起形成了你。无论你为什么在那里,你不是组成你身体的东西。如果这没有让你脖子后面的汗毛倒竖,那就再读一遍吧!因为这很重要。      如果一颗中微子有大脑,如果那是在中微子的祖先中演化出来的,它就会说岩石确实是由空间组成的。演化出我们的大脑的是我们那些中等身材的祖先,他们无法穿过岩石,其实,一只动物是由它的大脑塑造的。不同的物种生活在不同的世界里,于是就有了令人不快的各种现实。我们看到的并不是世界本身,而是世界的一个模型,它受到感觉材料的调节,它被建构出来是为了应付外部世界。模型的性质取决于我们是哪个物种。一只飞行的动物需要的模型,和行走,爬行或游泳的动物需要的模型是不同的。一只猴子的大脑必须有能够模拟一个由树枝和树干组成的三维世界的软件;鼹鼠的软件必须能够模拟地下的世界。一只水黾根本不需要三维软件,因为它生活在池塘的表面,一个艾德温.埃博特的平面世界(译注:指Edwin Abbott Abbott写的科幻小说Flatland,书中的人物都生活在二维世界中 )。      我想,蝙蝠有可能可以用耳朵看见颜色,为了在三维空间中捕捉昆虫,一只蝙蝠需要的软件肯定和日间或夜间出没的飞行动物需要的软件十分相似,比如燕子。蝙蝠在黑暗中使用回声定位来将变量输入模型,而燕子使用的是光线。我甚至认为,蝙蝠会使用红色和蓝色作为内在标签来表征回声的有用特性,比如物体表面的声学纹理;而燕子则用红色或蓝色来表征长波和短波的光,红色和长波之间并没有必然的联系。模型的特性取决于它是如何被使用的,而不是牵涉到的感觉通道。J.B.S 霍尔丹本人也说到了主要依靠嗅觉的动物,狗能区分两种稀释到很淡的相似脂肪酸,它们是辛酸和已酸,两者的区别是其中之一多了一对碳原子。霍尔丹猜测, 一只狗也许能够通过两种酸的不同气味来排列不同的分子量,就像一个人类能够通过不同的音高来排列一架钢琴的不同弦的长度。还有一种脂肪酸叫癸酸,它和前两种很相似,只是又多了两个碳原子。一只从来没有闻过癸酸的狗,也许能毫不费力地想象出它的气味,就像我们能够毫不费力地想象一支小号奏出比我们以前听过的音更高的音。或许对狗和犀牛这样主要依赖嗅觉的动物来说,嗅觉也是有颜色的。蝙蝠的听觉也是如此。中观世界的大小和速度使得在其中演化的我们觉得舒服,它有点像我们看作可见光的那部分电磁波的波长范围,至于这个范围之外的电磁波,我们需要仪器的帮助才能觉察。在整个实在中,中观世界是被我们认为正常的很小一部分,其它非常小、非常大或是非常快的部分在我们眼中都显得奇怪。      我们同样可以列出一系列的小概率事件,没有什么事情是绝对不可能的,所谓奇迹只是概率非常小的事件。 一尊大理石雕像可能朝我们招手,组成它的分子都处于来回震动中,由于分子的数量十分巨大,彼此之间又不存在朝哪个方向震动的默契,所以对于我们中观世界中的观察者,雕像才显得静止不动。组成雕像手臂的分子有可能在同一个时间朝着同一个方向运动,在这种状况下,我们就会看见那条手臂在朝我们挥动。当然了,此事发生的概率是如此之小,如果你从宇宙起源的时刻开始写0,你到现在还不能把表示这个概率的数字写完。在中观世界中演化的我们没有应付极小概率事件的能力,我们的生命并没有那么长。而在天文学广度和地质学长度上,在中观世界中显得不可能的事件,或许倒是无可避免的了。思考这个问题的一种方式是给行星计数。我们不知道宇宙中行星的确切数字,估计值是10的20次方。这样一来,我们就知道生命出现的概率有多小了。我们可以制作某种可能性的连续谱,让它看上去就像是电磁波谱,然后在上面表出事件发生的概率。生命可能在每一颗行星上产生,或是每一颗恒星、每一个银河,或甚至是在整个宇宙中只产生一次(那样的话我们就是宇宙中唯一的生命,因为我们正在讨论这个问题)。我怀疑生命在宇宙中确实很常见。生命很常见,但仍然可能很稀有,稀有到没有一座承载生命的岛屿会与另一座相遇。(真是悲哀)      我们应该怎么理解比我们想象的更奇怪呢?是在原则上就比想象更奇怪,还是比我们的想象更奇怪? 我们能不能通过训练,把自己从中观世界中解放出来,从而对非常小和非常大的事物获得直觉上和数学上都有效的认识呢?我真的不知道答案是什么。我不知道我们能不能通过让孩子从小就玩一种模拟量子现象的电脑游戏来帮助他们理解量子理论。能不能用同样的方法帮助孩子们理解相对论?      最后,我想把中观世界的想法运用到我们对彼此的认识上来。今天的大多数科学家都认同一种机械论的心灵理论,他们认为我们是现在的样子,是因为我们的大脑中有相应的神经回路,体内有相应的荷尔蒙。如果我们的神经解剖结构和我们的生化成分与现在不同的话,我们也会与现在不同。但是作为科学家,我们的行为是不一致的。如果我们的行为一致的话,当我们对待一个行为不当的人,比如一个杀害儿童的人,我们就应该说:这个装置中的一个部件坏了,需要修理。但我们不是那样说的,我们说的是:你这禽兽,坐牢太便宜你了。我们会寻求报复,并使矛盾升级、引发新一轮的报复。当我们探讨学术的时候,我们把人看作是精细复杂的机器,就像是计算机或是小汽车。可当我们做回人类的时候,我们会在汽车不能发动的时候将它痛打一顿。我们之所以将小汽车和计算机这样的物体拟人化,是因为我们生活在社会里,就像猴子生活在树林、鼹鼠生活在地下、 水黾生活在表面张力主导的二维世界中。我们在人山人海中穿梭,周围是中观世界的社会版本,演化让我们能够成为聪明的心理学家,让我们能够预测他人的行为。把人当作机器,或许在科学上和哲学上是精确的,但如果你要猜测某人下一秒会做的事,就会浪费许多时间。要给模拟一个人,最经济有用的方法是把他当作一个有目的、被目标驱动的个体,他有快乐、痛苦、欲望、意向和负罪感,有时候应当受到责备。拟人化并把他们的行为看成是有目的,这是模拟人类的极其成功的方法。而在我们应付其它对象的时候,这种模拟程序也会占上风,比如在我们痛打小汽车的时候,又比如那些自认为和宇宙融为一体的人。      如果宇宙真比我们想象得还要奇怪,原因是不是自然选择让我们只能想象我们为了在非洲草原生存所需要想象的东西呢?我们的大脑是不是如此多才多艺、如此伸缩自如,以至于我们能训练自己打破演化的盒子?最后,宇宙中是不是存在如此奇怪的东西,以至于超出任何哲学家,或是任何近似神的生物的梦想? 标签: 演化生物学 , 翻译 , 道金斯
个人分类: 生物|1097 次阅读|0 个评论
(译)通往心灵中央的旅程 by Vilayanur Ramachandran
songshuhui 2008-9-3 15:26
红猪 发表于2008-05-3 星期六 1:38 分类: 生物 | | 大家可能听过面部失认症:由于特定的脑损伤,患者变得无法识别他人的面孔;但你有没听过这样一种病:患者认得出别人的面孔,却硬说自己的母亲是别人假装的?你可能还听过幻肢:被截肢的人老觉得被截的肢体还在;你有没想过:如果有幻肢者说自己的幻肢很疼,那要如何帮助他解除这种不存在的疼痛呢?还有,你知道吗?人类中百分之九十九的成员,对火星字母该如何发音,有着惊人的共识 神经科学家 Ramanchandran 在他的 演讲 中探讨了以上有趣的问题。 通往心灵中央的旅程 Vilayanur Ramachandran 红猪 译 像 Chris 说的那样,我研究的是人脑,是人脑的功能和结构。我想花一分钟来思考其中的意义。这是一块三镑重的巨大果冻,你能将它放在掌中,它能思考恒星间的广阔宇宙,思考无限的意义。它还能思考它自身,这种奇异的性质就是自我意识,我认为它是神经科学的圣杯,希望有一天我们能了解自我意识是如何产生的。 好,那么你要怎么研究这个神秘的器官呢?你有一千亿个神经细胞,它们相互作用。从这些活动中,涌现出我们称为人性或人类意识的全部功能。这是怎么发生的呢?我们从很多角度出发研究人脑。其中的角度之一,是观察脑中的一小部分区域遭受持续性损伤的病人。损伤并不会导致认知能力的全面丧失,而是导致特定功能的丧失,其他功能则完好无损。这让你能自信地说:那个区域以某种方式在那个功能的运作中起到作用。这样,你就能将功能映射到结构上去,并找出这部分神经回路是如何产生这个功能的。这就是我们想做的事。 我向诸位展示三个惊人的例子,每个例子将 6 分钟。 第一个例子是一种称为卡普格拉综合症( Capgras Syndrome )的罕见综合症。图中显示的是颞叶、额叶和顶叶。而折叠在皮层内部、在图中无法看到的,是一种称为梭状回( fusiform gyrus ) 的微小结构。它被称为脑的脸部区域,因为如果这个区域遭受损伤,你就无法再识别人们的面孔了。你仍然能够通过嗓音识别他人,哦,对了,这是 Joe ,但你没法看着别人的脸认出这是谁;连镜子里的自己都认不出。你知道这是你自己,因为当你挤眉弄眼,镜中人也对你挤眉弄眼,但你并不是真的认识你自己。 好了,这种梭状回损伤导致的疾病很多人知道,但还有一种罕见的综合症,罕见到连医生都很少知道,连神经科学家都不太了解,它名叫卡普格拉错觉( Capgras Delusion ),即一个原本完全正常的病患遭受了头部损伤,从昏迷中醒来,看着自己的母亲说:这人看上去跟我母亲一模一样,但她是个假冒的,是个假装成我母亲的女人。为什么会这样呢?这个人在所有方面都完全清醒理智,但一旦母亲现身,错觉就出现,他就说这不是我母亲。 对这种症状,心理医生的书里最常见的解释是种弗洛伊德式的观点,那就是:当这个小伙子(女性也得有这种病的,但我只说男的好了)还是个婴儿的时候,感觉到母亲有种很强烈的性吸引,这就是弗洛伊德所谓的俄狄浦斯情结。我没说我相信这个,但弗洛伊德观点就是这样的。长大后,你的皮层生长发育,抑制了对母亲的潜在性欲。接下来,头部的击打损伤了皮层,把潜在的性欲释放到了表层。于是突然之间,你莫名其妙觉得自己对母亲起了性欲。于是你想:天,这是我妈,我怎么可能会觉得冲动?她一定是别的女人,是个假冒的。你觉得只有这样的解释才说的通。我从来不觉得这样的论辩有什么道理,尽管像弗洛伊德的其他论辩一样,它非常巧妙。我觉得它没道理,是因为我见过遭受同样损伤的病患否认自己的贵宾犬。他说:大夫,这不是菲菲,它看上去跟菲菲一个样,但它是另一条狗。你用弗洛伊德的理论解释解释看(众笑),你会觉得人类具有某种潜在的兽性,那当然很荒谬。 实际是怎么回事呢?为了解释这种奇怪的疾病,来看看正常人脑区间通路的结构和功能。通常来说,视觉信号通过眼球进入脑中的视觉区域(脑后部负责处理视觉信号)。然后,信号通过称为梭状回的微小结构,你的脑就在那里处理面部图像。那里有对面部敏感的神经元,所以称为脑的面部区。那个区域一旦损坏,你就失去了识别面孔的能力。 但神经信号还会从那个区域出发,往下到达边缘系统中称为杏仁核( amygdala )的区域,边缘系统是脑的情绪核心。杏仁核判断你所看见的物体在情绪上的重要性:那是猎物,是天敌,是配偶,还是完全无关紧要的东西。如果杏仁核变得兴奋,那么说明眼前的东西很重要,神经信号就会向下发送到自主神经系统,你的心跳开始加速,你的手掌开始出汗,肌肉开始收缩。还好手掌会出汗,因为可以把电极连上手掌,测试汗液产生的皮肤电阻,这样我就能判断你看着什么东西的时候,是兴奋,唤起,还是没有反应了。我的想法是:当这小伙子看着某个物体时,信号进入视觉区和梭状回,他认出了这件物体是张桌子或者是他母亲。接着信号就传到杏仁核,再往下传递到自主神经系统。但或许在这小伙子的脑中,从视觉区到边缘系统的线路被事故切断了。由于梭状回并未损坏,小伙子还能够认出他母亲,是啊,这人看上去像我母亲;又由于通往情绪中心的通路被切断了,他就会想:为什么我看见母亲时感觉不到温暖,或者恐惧?于是他就这样来解释这种无法解释的情绪缺失:这不可能是我母亲,而是某人假装的。你要怎么验证这个假说呢?你找来一个人,在他面前放一面屏幕,一边测量他的皮肤电,一边在屏幕上放图片给他看。我能测量你看见一个物体,比如一张桌子或一把伞时,手掌的出汗状况,当然了,看见这些,你是不会出汗的。如果我给你看狮子老虎的照片,你会开始出汗。信不信由你,如果我给你看你母亲的照片,你也会开始出汗,你不用是个犹太人就会出汗。(众笑)那么,当你向病人展示图片并测量他的皮肤电反应时,发生了什么事呢?给他看桌子椅子绒布,都没有反应,跟正常人一样;但当你给他看他母亲的相片,皮肤电图像拉成一条直线,他对自己的母亲也没有情绪反应,因为从视觉区通往情绪中心的线路被切断了。他的视觉没有问题,因为视觉区是正常的;他的情绪反应也没有问题,他会哭会笑;但是从视觉到情绪的线路却断了,因此,他有了这个母亲是冒牌货的错觉。我们在这里研究了奇怪、看似无法理解的神经-精神病症状,并认为正统弗洛伊德观点是错误的,你实际上可以找到一个精确的解释,如果你懂神经解剖的话。顺便说一下,如果这病人跟母亲通电话,他会说:哇,妈,你好不好?你在哪里?用电话就不产生错觉,但当母亲走到面前,他却说:你是谁?你看上去就像我妈。原因是:信息沿着另一条通路从脑的听觉区通往情绪中心,事故并没有切断这条通路,这就解释了为什么他能通过电话认出自己的母亲,但当他看到母亲本人,却说那是假冒者。 好了,脑中为什么会有如此复杂的回路呢?是自然、基因、还是养育的作用?我们通过研究另一奇怪的综合症来试图解答这个问题,它名叫幻肢。 诸位都知道幻肢是什么。当一条手臂或腿被切除,或当你在战争中失去一条肢体,你还是能活生生感受到那条已经失去的手臂,那就是幻臂( phantom arm )或幻腿 (phantom leg) 。实际上,身体的任何部分都会产生幻肢现象。信不信由你,即使内脏器官都不例外。我有位病人被摘除了子宫,结果得了幻子宫病,每个月还会有幻一次月经。一天一个学生问我,那病人有没有幻经前综合症?倒是个不错的科研课题,但我们还没有研究那个。好了,接下来的问题是:通过实验,你能从幻肢现象中学到什么?我们发现了一种现象:感觉到幻肢的病人中,有一半宣称自己能移动那条幻肢,他们能用幻肢拍兄弟的肩膀、能在电话铃响时拿起听筒、能挥手道别。他们有种十分强烈鲜活的感觉。病人的脑知道手臂已经不在了,但感觉还是非常强烈。 然而,病人中的另一半没有这种运动的感觉,他们告诉我:大夫,我的幻肢被麻痹了,它痉挛地捏紧拳头,疼得不得了。如果我能移动它,疼痛或许就会减轻。为什么幻肢会被麻痹呢?听上去自相矛盾。当我们查看病例时,我们发现,这些感觉幻肢被麻痹的人,他们的手臂原先曾被麻痹过,原因是神经受伤,控制手臂的神经被车祸之类的原因切断了。所以,病人的手臂曾经真的疼痛过几个月或者几年。然后,为了帮助病人赶走疼痛,外科医生给他做了截肢手术;接下来,就有了条同样疼痛的幻肢。这是个严重的问题,病人们心情抑郁,甚至有人自杀。那么你要怎么治愈这种综合症呢?为什么会有人觉得幻肢麻痹? 查看病例的时候,我发现他们有过真实的手臂,控制手臂的神经被切断,真实的手臂在截肢前麻痹了几个月,这种疼痛被带到了幻肢里。为什么会这样呢?当手臂完好但麻痹的时候,脑向手臂发送指令,前脑命令动,但视得到的觉反馈却说动不了;动――动不了――动――动不了这被固定在了神经回路中,我们把这叫做习得行麻痹( learned paralysis )。脑了解到,移动手臂的指令制造了麻痹的感觉。然后,当你将手臂切除,习得性麻痹就进入了你的体象( body image ),进入了你的幻肢。 你要怎么帮助这些病人呢?你要怎样解除习得性麻痹,好让他们的幻肢不在剧痛中痉挛紧握?如果你向幻肢发送指令,并且得到了幻肢响应指令的视觉反馈,那会怎样呢?那样,说不定就会减轻幻肢疼痛了。你要怎样做到这一点?可以用虚拟实境,但那会花上几百万。我想到了这个成本三美元的办法,别跟我的赞助机构说。(众笑)你是这么干的:在纸板盒中间放面镜子,制造出一个我称为镜盒( mirror box )的东西。 我的第一个病人十年前截肢,此前手臂麻痹了几年,截肢后幻肢产生麻痹。他来看病的时候,我给了他一个这样的镜盒,病人将疼痛痉挛的幻肢左臂放到镜子左侧;右臂则放在镜子右侧,并做出和左臂同样的姿势。然后病人看着镜中,他感觉到了什么?他感觉幻肢又复活了,因为他看到了镜中的手臂,就好像他的幻肢又重生了。接着我说:现在动一下你还在的手指,同时对镜子里面看,这样你会看见自己的幻肢正在移动。很好理解,对不?但惊人的是,病人说:天,我的幻肢又在动了!疼痛也随之减轻。(掌声)我的第一个病人来看病时,我叫他看着自己幻肢的镜像,他咯咯笑起来,说:我看见我的幻肢了。他不傻,知道这不是真实的,只是个镜像,但这是非常鲜活的体验,接着我说:动一下你真实的那只手和幻肢手。他说:我可没法移动我的幻肢手,你知道的,很疼。我说:那动一下正常的那只手吧。他说:哦,天,我的幻肢又在动了,简直不能相信,我的疼痛也好些了。接着我说:把眼睛闭上。他闭上眼,我说:动一下你正常的那只手。厄,感觉不到了,它又握紧了。睁眼。哦,天,又在动了!他就像个进了糖果店的小孩。 所以,这证明了我关于习得性麻痹和视觉信息所起重要作用的理论,但我可不会因为让人成功移动幻肢而获得诺贝尔奖。(众笑)细想之下,这种能力完全没有用处,但我开始意识到:也许你在神经科学中观察到的其他类型的麻痹,比如中风,也许都有习得的成分,都能用一个装了镜子的简单装置予以克服。我对那位病人说:把镜子带回家,自己练习一两个礼拜,也许你能扔掉镜子,解除习得性麻痹,开始移动幻肢,消除疼痛。他说好啊,我带回家。我说:两块钱而已,带回家吧。于是他把镜子带回了家。两周后他打来电话说:大夫,你一定不相信。我说:什么?他说:它不见了。我说:什么不见了。我还以为镜子或者盒子可能不见了。他说:不不不,这个跟了我十年的幻肢,它消失了!我觉得担心了,我改变了这个人的体象,人类被试啦、研究伦理啦方面会有什么问题?我说:你觉得困扰吗?他说:才没有!过去三天,我没了幻肢,于是就没了幻肢肘关节痛,没了握拳,没了幻肢上臂疼痛,所有这些疼痛都消失了。但问题的,我的幻手指还挂在肩膀这边,你的镜子够不到,你能不能把镜盒改装一下,好让我用脸贴着镜子,在镜子里看见自己的幻手指?(众笑) 我一直觉得这像是魔术。为什么会发生这样的事?因为脑面临巨大的感觉冲突,它收到视觉信号,说幻肢又回来了;但另一方面,又没有来自肌肉的信号证明它真的回来了;你的动作信号也在告诉你手臂没在动。在这种冲突之下,脑就说:少来啦,根本就没有什么幻肢,这条手臂已经不在了。手臂一旦消失,附带的好处就是疼痛也一并消失,因为不可能有一种不依附形体的疼痛漂浮空中。其他研究团体在几十个病人身上试验了这种疗法,也许能称为治疗幻肢疼痛的有价值的方法。还有人在中风病人身上试验这种疗法,有的中风瘫痪也是习得的,或许也能用镜子加以克服,临床试验也正在进行中。 好了,接下来开始讲第三部分,是关于另一个奇怪现象的,它叫做联觉( Synesthesia ),是由达尔文的表亲弗朗西斯 . 高尔顿在十九世纪发现的。他指出,人群中某些成员,其他方面均与常人无益,却有如下特别之处:他们看到一个数字时,就能感受到色彩。 5 是蓝色的, 7 是黄色的, 9 是 靛色的。这些人其他方面完全正常。有人能在音符中看出颜色,升 c 是蓝色的,升 f 是绿色的,另一个音符可能是黄色。为什么会这样?高尔顿把这称为联觉――感觉的混合。对我们来说,感觉之间是分开的,但有人会混合,为什么会这样?还有一个有趣的现象,就是联觉会遗传,高尔顿认为其中有遗传学基础。此外,在艺术家、诗人、小说家当中,联觉比其他人常见八倍。为什么会这样?我就要回答这个问题,此前没有人回答过。 好了,什么是联觉,成因是什么?有许多理论做出解释。一种理论认为,他们就是疯了而已。那算不上什么科学理论,所以别管它了。另一个理论是这些人吸了毒,或许有点道理,因为联觉在湾区比在圣地亚哥常见。(众笑)我们来问问自己:联觉到底是什么?我们发现,图中梭状回里的颜色区和数字区彼此接近,因此我们认为,在颜色区和数字区之间发生了意外串线( cross-wiring ),所以,每次你看见数字,就会同时看见颜色,于是就有了联觉。那么为什么会出现串线呢?记得我说过这是遗传的。这就给了你线索,说不定是某个变异的基因引起了串线。我们每个人在出生时,脑中的所有区域都彼此相连,它们后来被修剪成为脑中的不同模块。有一个基因控制这种修剪过程 (trimming ),当这个基因发生变异,修剪就不完全。如果是数字区和颜色区没有断开,你就有数字-颜色连觉;如果音符区和颜色区没有断开,你就有了音符-颜色联觉。那么,如果脑中的一切区域都彼此相连呢?好,想一下艺术家、小说家和诗人之间有什么共通的地方。他们都能进行类比思考( metaphorical thinking ),将看似无关的想法联系在一起,比如朱丽就是太阳。这句话的意思难道是朱丽是个发光的火球吗?精神分裂的人会那么想,但那是另外一回事。正常人会说:意思是她像太阳一样温暖发光,哺育他人。他马上就能领会其中的联系。假设联觉者人的脑中发生串线,再假设概念也位于脑的不同部分,那他们的脑就更有可能倾向于类比思考,更有创意。因此,艺术家、诗人、小说家中具有联觉者就更多。 下面看最后一个演示。我将向诸位展示:你们全都有联觉,只是自己不承认罢了。图中是我称为火星字母的东西,其中一个叫 kiki ,另一个叫 buba 。 哪一个是 kiki ,哪一个是 buba 呢?多少人觉得左边是 kiki ,右边是 buba ,举下手。好了,有一两位变异人。多少人觉得左边是 buba ,右边是 kiki ,举下手。百分之九十九的人。好了,诸位都不是火星人,你们是怎么认出火星字母的?因为诸位都在进行跨模块的联觉抽象,意思是,你觉得右边那个尖尖的东西看上去像 kiki 。在你的听觉皮层中, kiki 的声音很像尖尖的视觉形象;这看似幻觉,但在你的视皮层和听觉皮层分别处理视觉和听觉信号时,脑能够抽取两者的共性。我们现在知道,这发生在脑的梭状回,因为那里受损的病人无法正确判断 buba kiki 对应的字母,同时也失去了比喻的能力。你要是问他:发光的未必是黄金这句话是什么意思?他会回答说:意思是会闪光的金属不一定是黄金,你得测试具体成分。他完全不明白其中的比喻意义。这个脑区在人脑中的体积比低等灵长类中的大八倍。这边的角回( angular gyrus )区域很有意思,因为它是视觉、听觉和触觉的交汇处。人类的角回特别大,我认为这是许多人类特有的能力,比如抽象、类比,和创意的基础。这些问题,哲学家已经研究了上千年。现在我们科学家能够通过脑成像、研究病人,还有提出正确的问题来开始进行探索了。谢谢。      标签: 神经科学 , 翻译
个人分类: 生物|1067 次阅读|0 个评论
让我睡个好觉
songshuhui 2008-9-3 15:11
段玉 发表于2008-05-6 星期二 11:33 分类: 医学 | | 如果你从事脑力劳动,如果你是一个工作狂,如果你是一个求知强迫症患者,那么往下看吧。 1, 睡觉为了啥? 这个问题问的有点傻,你会说:当然是因为困了所以才睡觉的。那么什么叫困呢?其实就是身体需要休息。生物体都是由细胞构成的,细胞在我们醒着的时候一直处于活跃的兴奋状态,机器都不可能永动,化学大分子构成的细胞更需要喘口气。工业革命之前,人类改造自然的活动主要通过体力劳作来实现,人们对发达肌肉组织的青睐一直从那时延续到今天。 科学的发展让学而优则任从力拔山兮气盖世手中接过了改造自然的接力棒。生活在都市丛林中的人们需要更多的依赖自己的脑力而不是体力来维系自己的独立生活。说白了,那颅腔中的小小核心决定着城市中新的劳动关系和劳动等级。如果每个人都是一个小宇宙,那海纳百川的小宇宙呵(此处删抒情描写 800 字)这宇宙的宙斯就是我们的大脑丰富记忆的载体,快速反应的指挥中心。 早期的体力改造自然时期,我们睡眠是为了让劳作一天的肌群们得到充分的休息。现在的脑力改造自然时期,我们睡眠更主要的是为了让辛苦一日的脑细胞得到充分的休息。因为身体的主宰改朝换代了,那么现在提出与时俱进的改良政策是再正常不过的了。 所以现在睡觉为了啥?主要是为了休息脑子,休息神经系统。当然,前提你是一个脑力劳动者。 2, 怎么睡啊? 我不想听什么科学依据,也没那么多时间。已经看了你这么长的啰嗦了,现在你快点让我睡个好觉吧! 1) 在白天的时候尽可能多的晒太阳太阳会给你睡眠的力量,即使你不是希瑞。 2) 清晨(刚起来)时做适量运动一日之计在于晨 3) 傍晚(别在睡前 3 小时内)做适量运动好状态要保持 4) 中午小睡,不超过 45 分钟小睡让你重装上阵 3, 为什么这么睡啊? 如果你也认为睡眠时间长就是休息的好,那么我应该首先提醒你修正自己的看法。其实我们更应该在乎的是睡眠的总量假如睡眠时间长短是横坐标,我们现在需要做的就是提醒你注意睡眠纵坐标的发展,也就是睡眠质量的高低。而这两者的所构造的面积才应该是我们真正的睡眠总量。无疑,时间和质量的博弈之间,每个人都期望着鱼与熊掌兼得那就是:睡眠时间尽量少(我还想多看一部电影再睡呢)。睡眠质量尽量好(睡得像死狗一样)。想找到让你的梦想照进现实的科学依据吗? Kacper M. Postawski 写了一本书叫做《 powerful sleep 》(《强大的睡眠》),文字流畅内容简单。有更强大的爱好者 Jude 做了翻译版,你可以 下载 来看一看( 点此下载 )。有问题可以问: www. powerfulsleep.com 。祝你睡个好觉。 标签: 电子书 , 睡眠 , 翻译
个人分类: 医学|1090 次阅读|0 个评论
吸烟、肺癌与基因的三角绯闻
songshuhui 2008-9-3 12:20
云无心 发表于2008-05-10 星期六 9:49 分类: 医学 | | (发现好多松鼠都是生物专业人士,偶这半桶水就算是凑个热闹了。) 1963 年发表的一篇报道展示了遗传因素与肺癌的暧昧关系之后,无数类似的消息被敬业的狗崽队们挖掘出来。吸烟、肺癌与基因这三者的关系一直夹缠不清。在人类基因组计划完成之后,科学狗崽队们颇有鸟枪换炮的气势,窥探隐私的能力大为提高。 2008 年 4 月的《 nature 》和 5 月《 nature genetics 》上,共有三篇八卦报道了这一绯闻的最新进展,但是对于关系的解读却截然相反,颇有别有洞天之势。 人们经常认为肺癌的发生主要与生活方式有关,比如吸烟。二者的关系就像恩爱夫妻一样密切,不过热衷于这种八卦的狗崽队科学家们也一直怀疑存在着第三者。 自从人 类基因组的确定只是发掘这个各种绯闻的第一步。无数充满好奇的人们孜孜不倦地琢磨着从中整点新闻出来。基因组范围关联研究( genome-wide association study , GWAS )是一个强大的方式,从 2007 年以来人们用它发现基因组中有上百个区域与某种疾病的发生有着不得不说的故事,比如糖尿病、炎症性肠病、心脏病等等。 GWAS 最近的成功是把传说中肺癌背后的基因挖了了出来。这个隐藏多年的家伙是通过人肉搜索的方式找到的。在人类的遗传多样性中,大约 90% 是因为一个核苷酸碱基被别的取代而形成的。这种取代被称为单核苷酸多态性( single nucleotide polymorphism , SNP ),目前记录在案的已有几十万个。 SNP 经常是某些疾病高发的罪魁祸首,但是从这几十万个 SNP 中找出目标实在不是一件容易的事情。不过现在的科学狗崽队们装备先进,用基因芯片可以对这些 SNP 进行人肉搜索,正所谓天网恢恢,疏而不漏,躲在肺癌后面的基因终于无所遁形。 基本的思路并不复杂,试验设计是采用病例 - 对照方式。找大量(几百上千例)肺癌病人,再找大致数量情况相匹配的健康人,把他们的基因组用检测三十几万个 SNP 的基因芯片进行检测,最后找出在两组中存在显著性差异的 SNP ,就是候选的罪魁祸首。有三个研究组分别进行了类似研究,结果都指向第 15 条染色体上的一条长臂。这三项研究结果有两项发表在了同一期的《 nature 》上,另一项发表在了《 nature genetics 》上。 有趣的是,那段 DNA 区域中的基因编码乙酰胆碱的受体。已经有其它的研究表明乙酰胆碱受体与吸烟行为密切相关。一份又一份流行病学的调查已经让人们吸对吸烟与肺癌的关系深信不疑,所以任何与吸烟有关的东西都摆脱不了与肺癌的绯闻。于是,吸烟、肺癌、基因,这三者的关系更加扑朔迷离。是肺癌脚踩两只船?还是吸烟行为与基因唇齿相依? 三组狗崽队虽然挖到了相同的素材,辅助处理的结果却给出了相反的结论。一组认为基因是调控吸烟的行为,而吸烟导致了肺癌。按照这个结论,即使具有了这种基因型,只要坚持不吸烟,就可以降低肺癌的发生。这个结果可能更受欢迎,至少基因芯片公司可以给你检测一下是不是具有这种基因,如果有,那么就坚决不要吸烟了。如果没有,那么恭喜你,吸不吸烟对于肺癌的发生都没有太大影响,算是天生多了一层保护。但是另外两个组认为,基因与肺癌是直接相关的,跟吸不吸烟没什么关系。用另一句话说,虽然吸烟与肺癌勾肩搭背,其实是背了个虚名。 虽然有了《 nature 》级别的主流八卦,但是吸烟、肺癌和基因的绯闻依然像雾里看花。这也为科学狗崽队们提供了继续工作的机会,不管是《 nature 》还是别的媒体,也才能继续红火下去。但是对于大众来说,即使吸烟不是导致肺癌的原因,它毕竟还与心脏病、阻塞性肺病等关系暧昧,所以还是敬而远之的好。 标签: GWAS , SNP , 人类基因组 , 吸烟 , 翻译 , 肺癌
个人分类: 医学|2082 次阅读|0 个评论
(译)语言的影响力
songshuhui 2008-9-3 12:19
(译)语言的影响力 wilddonkey 发表于2008-05-11 星期日 19:03 分类: 心理 | | 研究者们发现,语言能够以无数种方式影响到选择的做出从要吃什么食物到拥护何种法律。 想象一下,美国正准备应付一场爆发性疾病,这场疾病的到来将会导致 600 人死亡。为此政府提出了两套备选方案,方案 A , 200 人能够得救;方案 B ,有 1/3 的可能性 600 人均获救,但有 2/3 的可能性无人幸免。面对这样的选择, 72% 的人会选择 A ,宁愿保证救出 200 人,也不愿冒一个人也救不出的风险。 现在另换两种方案:方案 C , 400 人将死亡;方案 D ,有 1/3 的可能性无人死亡,而有 2/3 的可能性 600 人全部丧命。在这种情况下, 78% 的人会选择 D 。以上结果来自于一个经典研究,研究者为诺贝尔奖获得者普林斯顿大学心理学家丹尼尔 卡内曼( Daniel Kahneman )和他的长期合作伙伴心理学家阿莫斯特沃斯基 ( Amos Tversky )。 显然,这两组选项 A/B 和 C/D 是等同的:获救 200 人即意味着 400 人将要死亡,而 1/3 的概率均能得救即意味着有 2/3 的可能性全部丧命。因此无论如何被措词,两组选项在逻辑上是没有区别的。那么为什么人们会在 A 和 B 当中倾向选择 A ,却在 C 和 D 当中倾向选择 D 呢? 卡内曼和特沃斯基的研究为我们提供了一条线索:人们在面对内容为损失(如死亡)的选择和内容与获取有关(如幸存者)的选择时,所做出的反应是不一样的。当在正面结果中选择时,人们更倾向于有把握的选项(救出 200 人),反对冒险;而当在损失中权衡时,人们却变得更愿意去冒险。显然,通过对选项有针对性的措词,这种心理现象可以被大加利用。卡内曼和特沃斯基 30 年前在该领域的最初发现引起了一个共同疑问:选项的词语组织是如何影响到人们决定的?随后,他们和许多其他研究者发现语言对人们决定的影响可以通过多种方式来实现,而且这种影响通常是关键性的和违反直觉的。 除了损失获取效应外,最近的研究还表明,人们往往会被激起对缺省选项(没有做出选择时,默认选中的未明确说明的选项)的兴趣,就好像被魔力驱使着一定要沿着未被标记的道路前行。人们的决定还会被语境微妙地影响到,一个候选项在被置于代价高昂或无关紧要的选项中时会显得更富有吸引力,而与更受青睐的选项在一起时则不然。 我们好像都很反复无常。实际上,有关选择心理的研究暗示,我们并不拥有严格意义上的偏好和价值观,所谓的偏好和价值观是在面对问题或选择时,由我们所做的反应构建出来的。我们在看法上的反复无常往往显得很不理性,但在某些情况下却存在一个很有趣的逻辑:措词不仅能影响到选择结果,还会影响到我们对该选项的喜爱或欣赏程度循环影响使该选项中选。 对语言是如何导引与获取、损失有关决策的做出的理解,有助于对呼吁口号的措词进行指导,以使其最有效地激发民众的意愿,比如节约电能或关注自身健康。另外,政府还可以在人们由于懒惰、繁忙或误解而不想做出选择的时候,利用缺省选项的吸引力来引导民众。最后,精心策划的语境陷阱能够使我们在面对调查、竞选活动和聪明的广告时陷入圈套,因 为几乎每一个问题都会使回答者一边倒地倾向于某个选项。 获取与损失 如上面的例子中所展示的,卡内曼和特沃斯基在他们划时代的研究中,首次采用了以两种不同方式对同一选项进行描述的手段,这两种描述方式在逻辑上是等同的,但对心理的影响是不同的。卡内曼和特沃斯基破解了当涉及获取与损失时,客观与主观的关系,并将该现象总结为期望理论。 根据期望理论,虽然客观结果越向好的方向发展人们就越感到满足,但满足程度不会相对于获取呈线性增长,而是会长的越来越慢,直到客观获取的增加几乎无法再对满足感有所提高经济学家将该规律称之为边际效应递减。这意味着获救 600 人所产生的满足感不会是获救 200 人所产生的 3 倍,因此冒险去拯救所有 600 人的想法就会令人感到是一次不划算的赌博。卡内曼和特沃斯基由此得出结论,在当前的心理状态是对获取有所期待时,大多数人是不愿去冒险的。 而当结果是以负面形象出现的时候,如死亡,人们情绪状态的恶化趋势同样与客观情况的恶化不成比例,痛苦程度也会增长的越来越慢。因此失去 600 个生命所带来的痛苦不会是失去 200 人所带来的 3 倍,于是,冒险去确保无人遇难的想法使人觉得是个不错的打算。显然,在面对损失时,人们更乐于去冒险。 而究竟是获取还是损失取决于选项的措词组织,在面对 A/B 时,人们的考虑内容是获取,而当选项是 C/D 时,权衡的对象变成了损失。这解释了为什么在第一种情况下人们不愿去冒险,而在第二种情况下恰恰相反。 期望理论还表明在同等程度的损失和获取面前,人的痛苦程度要大于满足程度。这意味着在促使人们做决定时,将其注意力集中在如何避免损失上,要比集中在如何确保获取上更有煽动力。这一点在某些情况下可以被大加利用,比如,要鼓励女性做乳房自检,强调癌症晚期发现将导致的代价(损失),要比强调早期发现所带来的益处(获取)在效果上更好;要呼吁房主节约电能,把焦点集中在节省开支(获取)上,就不如把焦点集中在浪费成本(损失)上更具有说服力。 - 冒险的选择 在将选项以获取和损失的含意分别进行描述时,人们的反应是不同的。这种能够用所谓的期望理论来解释的选择倾向,会导致在逻辑上前后不一致的决策出现。该理论由诺贝尔奖获得者普林斯顿大学心理学家丹尼尔 卡内曼,和他的长期合作伙伴心理学家阿莫斯特沃斯基于 30 年前共同创建。如图所示, x 轴代表事情的客观状态,从负面情形(如死亡人数),经过中性状态( 0 点),再到正面情形(如幸存的人数); y 轴代表对不同客观状态的主观反应,即这些客观状态使人产生好感与坏感的程度。 右上象限曲线描绘的是人们对正面获取所做出的反应,其形状与经济理论中的边际效应递减趋势相吻合。获救 600 人产生的满足感不会是获救 200 人所产生的 3 倍,因此人们不希望冒险去拯救所有 600 人。左下象限曲线显示的是人们对负面损失所做出的反应,描绘出的是损失的边际无效递减趋势。失去 600 个生命所带来的痛苦不会是失去 200 人所带来的 3 倍,因此人们更愿意冒险去拯救所有的人。由此可见,在做与损失有关的决定时,人们更乐于去冒险。 决定是落在曲线的右上部还是左下部取决于选项是如何被组织的。如果措词强调正面结果,人们将不愿去冒险,而如果文字表达的是负面情形,人们将倾向于更为冒险的选项。同时还要注意,曲线损失部分的陡峭程度大约是获取部分的两倍,这意味着损失 100 块钱所导致的痛苦要比得到 100 块钱所产生的满足在程度上更深,即相对于确保获取,人们更愿意去避免损失。 - 沉默的力量 另一种能够对选择造成有力影响的方式是不要去说。在美国和欧洲许多国家,当人们更新驾驶执照时,会被询问是否愿意成为器官捐赠者。哥伦比亚大学决策心理学家艾力克 约翰逊( Eric J. Johnson ),和现任职于伦敦商业学院的丹尼尔 古德斯坦恩( Daniel Goldstein )在他们 2003 年提交的报告中指出,在欧洲许多国家中,超过 90% 的民众都是器官捐献者,而在美国这个数字只有 25% ,尽管事实上绝大多数的美国人都支持器官捐献。那么为什么会存在如此差别呢?在美国,要成为器官捐献者,你必须先签署一份表格,如果不签这份表格就不能成为器官捐献者。不签是缺省选项,结果成为大多数人的选择。而在欧洲的许多国家中,缺省选项的情况与美国正相反除非你特别声明,否则即是器官捐献者,于是大部分的欧洲人做出了相反的选择。 根据宾夕法尼亚大学经济学家布里奇特 马德里安( Brigitte Madrian ) 和联合保健集团丹尼斯 施( Dennis Shea ) 2001 年的一项研究,当公司老板们将职员续约流程从选择进入模式(必须签署协议书以续约)更改为选择退出模式(必须签署协议书以拒绝续约)后,最初的续约比例从 49% 一下子跳到了 86% 。而在一项自然实验中,新泽西州和宾夕法尼亚州同时推出了一份低价、无过失自动保险,该保险限制了投保人可以无视事故过失方而对保险公司提出赔偿要求的权利。这份无过失保险在新泽西是车主投保时的缺省选项,而在宾夕法尼亚则不是。又根据哥伦比亚大学约翰逊( Johnson )和他的同事在 1993 年《风险与不确定》杂志中的报告,每个州几乎 80% 的车主都会选择缺省选项。于是,缺省偏好为宾夕法尼亚州制造了每年几百万美元的额外开支。 那么为什么缺省选项会有如此大的威力呢?原因之一来自于忽视。生活是繁忙而复杂的,人们不可能对每件事都加以注意,所以无论手机是否必备,我们中的大多数人都不会一直带着它。对备选项的研究需要花费时间,而我们不想被这种事情所打扰。但懒惰和忽视不是缺省选项拥有巨大威力的唯一原因,正如加利福尼亚大学心理学家克雷格 麦肯奇( Craig R. M. McKenzie )与其同事在 2006 年的一项研究中所指出的,大多数人都认为缺省选项即是推荐选项。 依靠缺省选项的威力,决策制定者们可以鼓动民众沿着有利于他们的方向前进。芝加哥大学法律学者卡斯 桑恩斯坦( Cass R. Sunstein )和经济学家理查德 泰勒( Richard Thaler )将这种手段命名为自由意志下的家长式统治。采用该手段,领导者一方面根据民众固定或潜在的偏好来设定缺省选项(家长式统治部分),一方面允许人们可以不对缺省选项进行选择(自由意志部分)。 虽然不可能总会了解到人们的偏好,但一般情况下还是可以将其辨别出来的。在公司续约的例子中,不难猜出职员们是渴望续约的,因为我们知道人们更愿意保持现有的工作。这种情形就好像他们已经打算去续约了,但却一直在拖延。而对于宾夕法尼亚或新泽西居民所得到的汽车保险是否正是他们所想要的,我们难以确定,不过既然几乎不可能列出一个中性的选项,那么为什么不促使人们往境况较好的方向倾斜呢? - 是否要做器官捐献者 应用选择退出政策(成为器官捐献者是缺省选项)的国家(绿色)中,实际同意成为器官捐献者的人数要比美国等(金色)应用选择进入政策(不成为器官捐献者是缺省选项)的国家多得多。 - 牵线搭桥者 词语组织对选择的第三种影响来自于语境,一个选项的吸引力往往要通过与其他选项进行比较后才能产生。几年前,美食顾问和厨具供应商 Williams-Sonoma 公司推出了一个新产品:自动面包制造机。只要把原料投入到该机器中,按下开关,几小时后一条面包就会被造出来。这台机器的售价是 275 美元,对一个制造面包的机器来说, 275 美元是否太贵了?我们难以对此价格做出评判,因为市场上没有同类的产品。几个月之后, Williams-Sonoma 公司又推出了一款售价为 429 美元的豪华版面包制造机。结果,由于新产品的出现,普通版面包制造机销量大增,更昂贵的版本使普通版看上去很是划算。 诸如此类的语境效应普遍存在。俄勒冈大学心理学家保罗 斯诺维克( Paul Slovic )在其 2002 年的研究中向一组人提出了这样一个问题:如果建立一项机场安全措施,该措施能够每年挽救 150 名从事危险工作的人中的 98% ,你愿意为此支付多少税款?接着他问另外一组人:为了每年挽救 150 人,你愿意支付多少税款?结果第一组人愿意付更多的钱。那么为什么呢?毕竟挽救 100%150 个人要比挽救 150 人中的 98% 更值得去做。原因是当 150 这个数字没有相关语境的时候,人们会考虑以各种各样的方式来花钱,其中许多方式都更充满吸引力。而当给出成功率 98% 的限制语境时,问题变得令人印象深刻,于是人们感到付出是相当值得的。 语境现象的另一个例子来自于卡内曼和桑恩斯坦的研究。他们对一组人进行调查,询问他们愿意向专门用来扭转或预防诸如珊瑚礁消失、海豚灭绝这样生态灾难的基金捐赠多少钱。而另一组人面临的问题是他们愿意为农场工人皮肤癌的预防计划支付多少。令人惊奇的是,研究者们发现,人们愿意为拯救海豚和预防皮肤癌所花的钱一样多!但当他们将海豚和皮肤癌同时摆在第三组人面前时,得到的反应却是,与海豚相比,他们愿意为皮肤癌付出的多得多。 这究竟是怎么一回事?道理如下,当人们将拯救海豚与其他生态问题做比较时,海豚会更加受到重视(它们可爱而且聪明),所以人们愿意为它们花更多的钱。相反,皮肤癌在所有严重健康问题中只处于次要地位,因此人们选择为其分配相对较少的资金。但当海豚和皮肤癌同时出现时,皮肤癌就更值得去关注了。而之所以会存在这种公众意愿的变化,是因为当选项被置于狭窄、有限的语境中时,人们被圈定在很小的范围内进行权衡,如只能将保护海豚与其他生态问题做比较,只能将皮肤癌与其他健康问题做比较,人们缺少更广阔的空间去对比和评价。 因此,把问题语境组织的更局限,能够将在人们心中处于次要地位的方案提升到更为显著的位置上,而如果某公共政策可以在更为宽泛的框架内进行选择的话,民众将被诱导对选项的轻重次序重新做出梳理。据此,在公共政策辩论中,语境设定者可以通过对问题语境的控制来左右公众的意愿。 - 味觉测试 对选项的措词不仅会影响到我们的选择,还会影响到我们对该选项的感觉体验。这听起来可有些怪诞!例如,人们通常会选择有 75% 瘦肉的牛肉饼,却对有 25% 肥肉的那一个置之不理,而在品尝这两块牛肉饼时, 75% 瘦肉的那一块确实要更好吃一些。当然,这两块牛肉饼实际上是一样的。虽然对内容上一般无二的牛肉饼厚此薄彼显得有些不合情理,但如果叫做 75% 瘦肉的那个尝起来确实要比被称为 25% 肥肉的那个口感好的话,厚此薄彼就并非毫无意义了。 还有其他例子可以说明食物标签对我们味蕾的影响。人们在购买矿泉水时,如果能看到标签,则通常会选择巴黎水(一种法国天然有气矿泉水)而不是塞尔查水(一种德国矿泉水),但如果没看到的话,就不会出现这种偏好。消费者认为蛋白质营养标条上的大豆蛋白质意味着多粒、味道不好,而在将大豆字眼去掉后,这种感觉也随之消失。当香草冰淇淋被标为高脂肪而不是骗人的低脂肪时,人们更乐于去享受其味道,很奇怪,这与牛肉饼的情况恰恰相反,或许牛肉饼中的脂肪(肥肉)对人们来说,意味的是油腻。 相对于普通啤酒,人们更加青睐那种掺杂了标明为 MIT 酿造的香醋的啤酒,前提是他们不知道到底掺杂了些什么,或者在品尝之后发现了陌生配方。而根据哥伦比亚大学商学院伦纳德 李( Leonard Lee )教授与麻省理工学院研究者谢恩 弗雷德里克( Shane Frederick )和丹 艾瑞里( Dan Ariely ) 2006 年的一项研究,如果在品尝之前知道啤酒里有醋的话,偏好会掉个个。因此,对食物的了解或自认为对食物的了解影响到了食物的味道,而且即便清楚了事实,对味道的记忆也不会因此被改变。标签和描述不仅影响着决定,还影响着那些决定所带来的感受。 这些偏好都很不合情理吗?毕竟,我们选择牛肉饼、冰淇淋、啤酒的目的是为了享受它们的味道,所以如果你更愿意享受瘦牛肉饼而不是肥牛肉饼的话,根据标签措词来做出选择又有什么不对的呢? 当然,在其他情况下,感觉的作用就没那么大了。例如,当选择是与遏制疾病有关的时候,你的感觉对结果不会产生什么影响,这时起决定性作用的是病人的命运。同样,当在公共政策中进行选择时,你对该政策的感受不会比其将会给你带来的影响更能左右到结果。但在要选择吃什么的时候,特别当候选者之间并没有本质区别时,所有的关键只集中在你对它们的品尝感受上。 - 真实的谎言 所有的这些引出了一个重大问题:人们确实知道自己想要什么吗?在面临抉择时,我们想象自己正理性地考虑我们的偏好,并找出最能满足这些偏好的那个选项。但对语言是如何影响到决定的研究表明,事情并非如此。我们并不拥有确定的偏好和价值观,而只是在被要求做出决定时才将它们简单构建出来。并且正如我们所看到的,偏好和价值观很容易屈从于问题的措词方式。因此,对人们真正偏好和价值观的辨识异常困难,如果它们确实存在的话。 来思考一下公众对遗产税的态度。在富人死后对其资产进行大幅度征收是为遗产税,该税只针对占美国人口很小一部分的富人群体,但大多数美国人都反对该税,并支持总统乔治 布什将其废除。何以解释这种罕见的公众态度?难道每个美国人都期待着自己有朝一日成为富人?我不这么认为。 当布什和他的支持者在华盛顿发起反对遗产税的活动时,他们为其重新制作了一个标签死亡税。想想看,这个标签起了多大作用。谁来支付死亡税?死人。这就好像一个人正行将就木的境况还不够惨,政府还要伸手到其坟墓中再榨取些财富出来。更糟的是,死人在其最初赚这些钱的时候已经交过税了。那么假设我们不叫它死亡税,而是称作继承税,情况又会如何?谁来支付继承税?活着的人,他们之前可从未为这些资产付过税。同是此税,在该标签下要显得更为公正和富有号召力。 那么人们究竟是如何看待这个税的?这个看上去直截了当的问题却非常难以回答。我们在对几乎任何事情进行评价时,都不得不接受措词和语境的支配,寻找中性的方式来对政策和产品进行描述是徒劳的。于是,所有决定都不免深受语言影响。不过,如果对选项措词始终保持警醒的话,我们有时或许能够分析出这种影响,并对其加以抵消,但可以肯定的是,漏网之鱼总会存在。 本文作者: 巴里 施瓦茨( Barry Schwartz ):斯沃斯莫尔学院心理学教授, 1971 年起即在此任教,著有《 The Paradox of Choice: Why More is Less 》一书。 《环球科学》2007.11 标签: 心理学,语言 , 翻译
个人分类: 心理|1418 次阅读|0 个评论
(译)我们需要基于证据的地震逃生建议
songshuhui 2008-9-3 11:56
红猪 发表于2008-05-23 星期五 15:48 分类: 专辑 , 地震 | |   汶川地震发生之后,一位名叫道格 .库普的美国人的地震逃生建议风行网上。但显然不是所有的地震专家都认同他的 生命三角求生法 。在下面的文章中, 曾对 1999年土耳其7.8级大地震展开研究的Marla Petal博士指出:库普所谓支撑塌陷房顶的重型家具本身就有倒塌的危险;库普所说的人体模特实验是在爆破的楼房中进行的,而爆破楼房与地震中楼房的倒塌方式,有着本质的区别 http://www.cert-la.com/RejoinderToDougCopp.pdf 我们需要基于证据的地震逃生建议 Marla Petal 红猪 译   你要是花点时间念了库普的避震建议,并觉得他的话有点道理;或者,如果你把这些建议转发给了其他人,那么请读一下本文,并将其转发给向你传播库普建议的人,以及其他人。如果你还不知道库普的理论,只是想了解几点关于地震安全的建议,那么就请直接跳到 #5 、 # 6两部分。 #1 关于预知生命三角区的迷思    如果道格 . 库普关于地震安全的话引起了你的注意,那么我想探讨一下他的声明中可能激起你好奇心的几点――因为磨炼批判性思考的能力总是件好事――再者,为了能在地震中安全脱身,有些事是你能够做、也必须做的。    库普说得没错,建筑倒塌之后,确实会出现称为生命三角的区域。搜救人员正是首先在这些救命空间中寻找幸存者的。一般来说,物体越大越结实,就越不容易压缩。但是不要上当。地震的威力能够移动大型重物。我们所不知道的是 a) 是否可能在倒塌发生之前预知何处将成为救命空间, b) 是否可能在地震的强烈晃动中到达那些区域。我们事先并不知道特定建筑的倒塌模式(但这点值得研究),也不知道震动停止以后,这些救命空间会在哪里。如果你所在的建筑倒向一边,那么你近旁的大型重物可能将你压到墙上碾死    库普说当上方的道路坠落、压扁车辆,待在车辆内部的人也随之被压死,还说在 Loma Prieta 地震中,如果死者当初能走出车辆并在车旁坐下或卧倒,那他们就都能活下来,因为车辆附近会形成救命空间。这个观点也有同样的问题:在压扁的车辆旁边观察到救命空间并不说明什么。车辆本身可能在震动开始之后发生位移。有许多证据表明:轿车和卡车会在强烈的震动中翻倒。如果人人都走出车门并在车边压低身子,那么许多人会被弹起或滑行到他们身上的车辆压死或严重压伤。    库普喜欢把他的证据建立在他参与过的土耳其实验上。不巧的是,所有参与者都不知道,那根本不是一个实验,而是一个志愿组织的搜救演习。我在土耳其的同事证实,一栋计划拆除的建筑被用作了搜救训练。为了观察爆破过程中可能发生的事,他们确实决定曾在不同地点放置了几个人体模特。他们确实曾报告说,大型重物近旁的人体模特没有损坏。    其中的问题出在哪里呢?很简单:为了让建筑倒塌,他们在柱子中间填装炸药,从而造成了建筑的平倒塌。他们并未模拟一次地震。地震是以波动的形式出现的,会引发侧向晃动,造成好几种损毁。由于该实验没有制造任何类似的晃动,它其实并未就地震发生时的状况告诉我们任何信息。大而沉重的家具可能被移动到房间的另一头,并远离开始移动的地点。就算退一步假设真能开展实验证实该假说,事实也是:某次特定平倒塌,尽管非常致命,也仅代表了钢筋混凝土建筑最罕见的倒塌方式。房屋倒塌的主要方式至少还有四种。而在 Kocaeli 地震中,平倒塌的建筑数量不到总数的 3 %。因而,关于其他建筑、也就是另外 97 %损毁的建筑,以及许多未遭损毁建筑中的人员遭遇,这些结果所能告诉我们的微乎其微。要想提出问题以告知 每个人 在晃动开始时该做些什么,可要比库普眼前的证据复杂得多。 #2 如果我能救出一条人命中的谬误   搜救 人员迫切想要挽救生命。但事实如下:全世界搜救人员的经验是挖出 98 具死尸和 2 名活人。有人喜欢将自己救出的一条人命编成轶事,用以告诫其他上百万名潜在的受害者。这些故事自有其市场,但将个案推广到上百万人身上是不科学的。在一台冰箱边发现一个或十个活人都不能说明什么,除非你在震后观察 100 或 1000 台冰箱,看看地震时在它们近旁的人会有什么样的遭遇。当你建议人们在地震期间该如何行动时,你的对象差不多是每一个感到震动的人。    我们很希望能在当初指导 Kocaeli 地震中丧生的 2 万人,那样至少能挽救几条生命。但是别忘了,为了救出他们中的任何人,我们当初就必须指导所有感到震动、并能够采取行动的 150 万人。假设我们的指导能让一千人在平倒塌的建筑中幸免(可能性很小),却同时让人员总数中同样感到震动的 0.00007 %(疑有误)处于死亡或重伤的危险之中,那我们可就是功不抵过了。换句话说,库普认为能在某栋特定倒塌的建筑中使人生还的行为,却可能使他们在其他倒塌或未倒塌的建筑中处于危险的境地。    在土耳其的出版物中,有的图片显示人们在地震中蹲在冰箱和厨房长桌边,而非附近的餐桌下方。当我向加州人展示这些图片时,他们惊恐得长大了嘴。显然,冰箱可能滑动翻倒、其中的内容可能倾泄而出、炉子上正加热食物、长桌上还放着厨具、头顶的柜子里也塞满了东西,这些全都可能危及图中的人们。他们显然应该待在餐桌下方,或躲到厨房外面。然而,我在这里发现了一个活人之类的轶事就会让人干出这样的蠢事。下回土耳其再地震,有人就会因此丧命。    说到这里,我和大多数科学界的同事老不情愿地承认:如果人们是居住在自建的土砖结构房屋中,如果屋顶沉重,房屋没有抗震设计,如果身处底楼、能够迅速跑到户外的安全空地,那么晃动一开始,他们就该往外跑。否则,他们就还是应该蹲下、掩避、等待。 当屋顶采用轻质材料时,土砖坍塌中的生存几率就更大了。但在现实中,为防止在地震中丧生的工作在震前很早就开始进行了。我们需要进行许多精心设计的研究,才能了解是否真的存在某种行为,它在使人从建筑倒塌中幸免之外,还能确保受害者的数量不会多于受益者!至于其他援助行动:第一点,不要害人。 # 3 库普的惊人错误    库普所宣称的许多经验都没有经过研究,比如所有在建筑倒塌时 蹲下、掩蔽 的人,都被压死了――每回如此,毫无例外;每一个在建筑倒塌时身处门口的人都丧命了。这些话最多算是有待检验的偏激陈述。最好能让搜救人员和社会科学研究者一同来审视这些假说。   库普还说:尽量靠近建筑物的外墙或离开建筑物你越靠近建筑物的中心,你的逃生路径被阻挡的可能性就越大。并没有证据支持这一点。有个相反的假说认为:瓦片会向外坠落,你也会,在装了填充瓦墙面的混凝土建筑中尤其如此。这同样是一个不错的研究课题,但它目前只是个未经检验的假说而已。    请明白一点:即便是最好的科学方法也未必带来理想的、或甚至是有益的结果。但我们还是应该用科学的方法来审视我们的直觉。有很多重要的问题我们还未着手回答,但像那样绝对的说法根本就是垃圾而已,完全无法取代科学方法。 #4 库普说对了一半的地方   库普建议以胎儿姿势蜷缩身体,以此在狭小空间中生存。减少体积的想法倒是没错。压低身体能够防止跌倒受伤,蜷缩作为坠落物打击目标的身体还意味着可能被砸到的部位更少。但我们在土耳其的一个地震模拟震动台上做过尝试,蜷缩成球状的胎儿姿势很容易让我们滚来滚去。我们觉得这样并不算真正安全。比较让人感到安全的姿势是在膝盖和小腿着地的前提下尽量压低身体,这样我们就能对自己的动作稍微有点控制,同时又能爬行到更加安全的位置上去了。    库普建议在 一个沙发边,或一个受到挤压时略微变形、却在一旁留下空间的大件边伏低。 对 Kocaeli 地震的研究表明,这条建议或许是正确的。许多 Kocaeli 地震的幸存者都会同意,在那场地震中,这样的做法不仅可行,而且安全。这是个不错的假说,应该进一步予以审视。   库普说:木质建筑是地震中最为安全的建筑型式。他说得没错然而一旦发生震后火灾,它们就成了最糟糕的建筑型式。因此,尽管居住在木头房屋中的人们能稍微放宽心,他们还是得准备在火焰尚小时用灭火器和毛毯将其扑灭。   库普说:如果在晚上发生地震,而你正在床上,那么翻身滚下床就行了。事实上,无论是在加州还是在土尔其的地震中,那些待在床上的人才是最安全的。如果建筑倾斜、床位移动床脚下可能不是最好的躲藏地点吧。    库普说他爬进放了许多纸张的 报社或办公室,发现纸张不会压紧。 他在几摞纸张周围发现了大片空间。这对于杂货店而言是个好消息,但只有当货架固定在地板或天花板上时才是如此。坦率地说,如果你住在一栋你觉得可能倒塌的建筑里,那么凭良心讲,唯一正确的建议就是让你另找一个地方居住,而不是靠在每间屋子里放一叠纸张或一架书籍来挽救你的性命。至少三份土尔其出版物上刊登了人们蹲在起居室中间的一大架纸制品旁边的照片,你或许会觉得这看起来挺可悲。面对现实吧:我们的任务是适应地震。这类建议使得对公众的教育和对地震的准备难上加难。   库普说的千万不要走楼梯是个合理的建议。 # 5 那么,你该怎么做呢?   想一下你的居住和工作环境中可能出现的情况。哪几个地点看上去比较安全?   固定好高而重的家具以及视听设备,将重物搬到低处,以此让你的环境变得更安全。    鞋子和手电放在床边。   晃动时,伏倒在地。掩护好头部和颈部。抓牢掩护物或某个稳定物体。   为什么我们要不断地说这几点?我们有什么证据吗?几个国家对伤亡原因的研究揭示了几种重要模式: a) 死亡几乎总是同头部、颈部、和胸部受伤联系在一起。 b) 许多伤害是由跌倒造成的。如果你压低身体或支撑住身体,就能预防跌倒。 c) 很大一部分夜间伤都是腿脚受伤即使在轻度损毁的地方也是如此相框掉在地板上,受灾者没有穿鞋,周围没有光照,父母和子女想在黑暗中找到对方 d) 至少一半伤害是非结构性物体造成的。许多这样的伤害性质严重,而对有限医疗资源的迫切需求使之雪上加霜。在有限医疗资源被用来挽救生命时,再造成不必要的伤害就显得丢人了。 e) 你暴露在坠落物体下方的目标面积越小,你被什么东西砸中的机率就越小。 #6 既然你正在思考这些问题   城市减震工作要求我们所有人都参与三项主要活动:评估和规划、降低身体威胁,及培养应对能力。 评估和规划 (马上思考,立即行动)   和家人坐在一起,共同讨论可能出现的情况。   决定社区内外的集合地点。   找到一个震区外联络人,在受灾后与之迅速联络,并获得安慰。   指定他人在紧急状况下将你的孩子从学校接走,同他们制定一个会合方案。 保护你的身体 (采取措施,降低身体威胁)    如不能确定你的家、单位或学校的建筑结构是否牢固,那就委托一位合格的建筑师进行评估。   房屋能够翻修就进行翻修,不能翻修就搬走或者推倒。   固定沉重的大件家具。   保证热水器的安全。   在每层楼放置一个灭火器,并定期进行检修。 培 养应对能力 (准备好参与解决问题)    准备一周的水、食物和出访处方药。   准备一个急救箱。   检查你车上和门边的冲锋包。   灾难准备不可能在一夜间完成。它包括一系列在家庭、单位、学校、社区和区域中完成的小步骤。它的完成依靠的是个人、家庭、组织、机构、和政府的行动。   距离 1906 年旧金山地震 100 周年的日子已经不远。现在正是给自己承诺,并踏出一小步的时候。 标签: 地震 , 翻译 , 逃生方法
个人分类: 地震|2629 次阅读|0 个评论
为国际空间站注入“科学”的血液
songshuhui 2008-9-2 15:32
Shea 发表于2008-06-6 星期五 10:16 分类: 天文 | | 哥伦布的星路历程 Daniel Clery 文 Shea 译 随着欧洲的哥伦布号实验舱和日本的希望号实验舱的到位,国际空间站将完成从太空中的政治延伸向真正的科学实验室的转变。 在推迟了两个月之后,2008年2月7日美国亚特兰蒂斯号航天飞机终于点火升空。它此行的目的是把欧洲空间局(ESA)的哥伦布多用途实验舱送上国际空间站。这将为国际空间站注入科学的血液,使它不再成为一些人眼中专为航空企业创造就业机会的附属品,而真正成为能取得丰硕成果的科学平台。 价值10亿欧元的哥伦布实验舱是ESA第一个载人航天设施,也是其目前在载人航天领域的最高成就。哥伦布为我们翻开了新的一页。现在我们在地球轨道上有了真正的一席之地,ESA哥伦布项目主管伯纳多帕蒂(Bernardo Patti)说。但是对于欧洲的科学家和工程师而言,这真是一个好事多磨的过程。由于建造延期和美国哥伦比亚号航天飞机的失事,哥伦布实验舱最终抵达国际空间站的时间比最初计划的晚了5年多。而且和国际空间站的其他舱体一样,哥伦布实验舱的大小也比10年前ESA原计划的要小很多。 尽管最初的雄心有一点受挫,但是欧洲的科学家们还是相信哥伦布实验舱会给国际空间站带来一些新的东西。由于上涨的建造成本、航天飞机机群问题以及小布什总统2004年公布的立主月球和火星的新航天政策,已经使得美国宇航局(NASA)把国际空间站作为实验室使用的能力显得捉襟见肘。其结果是,NASA绝大多数在国际空间站上开展的研究项目都集中在了长期空间飞行对人体的影响上。 ESA的主管们说,哥伦布将使国际空间站重拾最初的信条,为包括生物学、流体力学、材料科学以及药物研究和技术研发在内的基础研究提供平台。我们不会跟随美国的步伐把路越走越窄,ESA空间站计划主管艾伦舍凯特尔(Alan Thirkettle)说。 计划于2008年发射的日本希望号实验舱将进一步拓展国际空间站的科学潜力,与此同时2009年国际空间站的常驻人员将按计划从现在的3人增加到6人。舍凯特尔说,这将创造出多一个数量级的实验时间。德国马普地外物理研究所的物理学家格雷戈墨菲尔(Gregor Morfill)补充说:ESA的哥伦布和日本的希望将完成国际空间站从太空中的政治延伸向真正的科学实验室的转变。 :欧洲全力打造的哥伦布实验舱。版权:ESA/NASA。 确实,对于那些对国际空间站的批评依然记忆犹新的科学家和空间局官员来说,他们衷心地希望能还国际空间站以其本来面目。帕蒂说:现在我们不得不来证明我们自己。 艰辛的道路 在1984年美国总统罗纳德里根(Ronald Reagan)正是邀请国际社会和NASA一起建造一个空间站之后,欧洲提出了一揽子的计划,包括一个国际空间站上的实验舱,一个能自由飞行的自动实验舱(它在需要的情况下可以和空间站对接以便维修和补给)以及一颗与空间站共享计算机和通讯技术的极轨地球观测卫星。欧洲的宇航员将会乘坐赫耳墨斯往返于空间站和地面,赫耳墨斯是一种小型的航天飞机可以搭载3名机组人员和3吨的物资。 1989年第一次由承包商给出的成本估算就远远超出了ESA的预计,而且欧洲各国政府不断压榨ESA的空间站计划。赫耳墨斯航天飞机和自由飞行实验舱被迫取消。极轨卫星则被移交给了ESA的地球观测理事会。到20世纪90年代中期的时候,计划中只剩下了尽管比原先计划小得多但也有10个电话亭大小的哥伦布实验舱,以及一系列被称为自动运输飞行器(ATV)的无人货运飞船。使用欧洲的阿利亚娜5型火箭发射,ATV可以运送7.5吨的空气、水、食物、燃料、科学设备以及个人物品,向空间站的各个部分提供补给。一旦运送的货物都卸载完毕,它就会装上垃圾和废弃物在重返大气层的过程中烧毁。第一架ATV计划于2月份发射。 ATV同样也是ESA和NASA在国际空间站使用上复杂交易的一部分。它(ATV)就是我们支付(使用国际空间站)的租金,舍凯特尔说。为了回报NASA使用航天飞机发射哥伦布实验舱,欧洲负责建造了两个用于连接国际空间站上各个舱室的节点舱。第一个节点舱是节点2号,也被称为和谐号节点舱,2007年10月已由发现号航天飞机发射就位。哥伦布实验舱和日本的希望实验舱都将被安装在这个节点上。另外,为了支付空间站上提供的空气、水、电力以及其他服务的费用,哥伦布实验舱里面10个有效载荷中将有5个提供给NASA使用。 尽管建造长7米、重19吨的哥伦布实验舱的工作从20世纪90年代末就开始了,但是对它的考验一直就没有停歇过。2001年,由于空间站成本激增,美国国会和NASA官员开始考虑最大限度地削减国际空间站的规模。舍凯特尔说:他们开始质疑整个空间站的规划,并且毫不顾及他们的国际合作者。风波最终得到了平息,但是由此造成的俄罗斯在空间站设施建造上的延期使得哥伦布的发射时间从2002年推迟到了2004年。 后来2003年2月哥伦比亚号航天飞机在再入时解体使得整个空间站计划被束之高阁。两年之后,由于航天飞机机群依然停飞,NASA开始考虑在完成空间站主体建设的情况下尽可能减少航天飞机发射的次数。一些人提出不再发射哥伦布和希望实验舱。这持续了几个星期,而且情况越来越糟,舍凯特尔说。 但是之后迈克尔格里芬(Michael Griffin)被任命为了NASA的局长,他开始力挺国际空间站计划。 太空中的实验室 计划、设计、建造这样一个太空实验舱耗费了大约10年的时间,因此哥伦布实验舱所采用的技术并不是最顶尖的,而且5年的推迟使得其在计算机技术和数据传输速度方面与地面上的比起来更显得落后。帕蒂说,ESA已经升级了哥伦布实验舱里面的电子设备,并且安装了每秒100兆比特的计算机网络。尽管你现在可以在任何一家商店买到这一速率的计算机硬件设备,但是哥伦布上的计算机网络仍将是太空中最快的。 人力资源则是另一个挑战。舍凯特尔说:ESA试图留住必要的人员并且保持科学界对此的兴趣。当时大量的科研人员在为哥伦布准备实验项目的时候还仅仅是博士研究生,但现在他们都已经毕业并且在其他领域找到了工作。 就像在美国的情况一样,许多欧洲科学家认为不值得为太空中载人设施所能取得的科学成果花大价钱。他们提出,花在国际空间站和哥伦布身上的钱还不如用在机器人探测项目上。例如,由于周围运转的仪器和人员的走动,使得你无法在国际空间站上把望远镜精确地指向目标,所以天文学家们一般都不喜欢它。英国莱彻斯特大学空间研究中心主任乔治弗莱瑟(George Fraser)说:空间站乎上乎下就像过山车。 不过帕蒂说,许多尤其是大学和政府实验室的欧洲科学家很热衷于进行微重力研究。他希望哥伦布几年之后的成果能激发起更多科研人员的兴趣。按照ESA载人航天科学与应用理事会理事长马克海普纳(Marc Heppener)的说法,2004年最后一次征集实验提案时收到的提案数量是ESA所能资助的3倍。 根据一些已经在国际空间站俄罗斯段中进行的实验的结果,马普研究所的墨菲尔也对哥伦布的前景充满了希望。墨菲尔所感兴趣的领域是含尘等离子体,也就是混入了微观粒子的等离子体,它们会形成类似于宏观晶体和物质在其他物态所呈现出的自相似结构。墨菲尔说,这些实验也可以自动完成,但是如果有宇航员的参与,你就能发现一些之前意料不到的结果。我们已经取得了巨大的成功,在这个领域表发了100多篇科学论文。 哥伦布实验舱在发射前就装载了全部的实验装置,包括一个流体科学实验室、一组生理学实验模块、一个基本生物学实验室,等等。在哥伦布实验舱的外面,还有两个外部实验装置。一个将用来检测太空环境对不同技术的影响,另一个将用来安放太阳望远镜。 :哥伦布实验舱内部。版权:D. DUCROS/ESA。 虽然哥伦布上的一些实验要由NASA来负责,并且将用于检测微重力对人体的影响,但是其他许多实验将立足于根本。哥伦布发回的数据会从整体上推动生理学的发展,刚在NASA的约翰逊空间中心结束为期9个月的访问的、英国伦敦大学学院的生理学家凯文冯(Kevin Fong)说。例如,由于缺少了重力,实验将更清楚地告诉我们骨头在断裂后是如何重新接上的。冯说:目前还没有人能在基本的层面上认识这个过程。 日本的科学家们也期盼着一旦希望号到位之后能开展类似的实验。大小犹如豪华观光巴士、重23吨的希望号实验舱将会是国际空间站上最大的研究型舱体。需要发射3次航天飞机才能运送完它的所有部件,包括一个供宇航员进行实验的密封舱以及一个外部存储隔间。日本科学家已经安排了含盖蛋白质结晶、流体力学和细胞生物学不同领域的8个内部实验。随后,3个载荷将被安装到外部舱体上,包括一个用来搜寻新星和射线暴的X射线望远镜、一个大气检测器和一个用于太空材料实验的装置。从一开始,科学研究就是国际空间站的重要使命之一。我希望看到在这一方向上的不断进取,日本东京早稻田大学的天体物理学家、为希望号设计仪器的鳥井昭次(Shoji Torii)说。 一旦哥伦布和希望实验舱到位,国际空间站终于能向世人提供一个独有的从事科学研究的机会。这个机会也正是ESA的舍特凯尔所期望的。我对未来充满信心,他说,现在我们终于有机会来让这些昂贵的设备发挥功效了。 标签: Columbus , ISS , 天文 , 翻译
个人分类: 天文|1408 次阅读|0 个评论
(译)音乐、情绪和认知
songshuhui 2008-9-2 15:25
红猪 发表于2008-06-15 星期日 14:24 分类: 心理 | | 这是人工智能泰斗马文 .明 斯基( Marvin Minsky )教授在英国广播公司的一档音乐节目中接受的访谈,主题是音乐和情绪的关系。明斯基教授一直在研究让计算机如何产生情绪。一般认为思维比较容易模拟,而情绪则难以捉摸,但明斯基教授却从目标( goal )、进程( process )和资源( resource )的角度来看待这两种看似截然对立的意识活动,并指出两者其实可以看作是一回事,因而建造情绪机器并非天方夜谭。明斯基教授的这个想法发端于 1988 年的著作《意识社会》( Society of Mind ),并在 2006 年的《情绪机器》( The Emotion Machine )中得到发展。这两本书思想新颖,对认知、情绪、音乐、幽默感、人工智能等问题都有独到的解读,语言也写得十分浅白易懂,适合所有对这些问题感兴趣的一般读者,总之是非常值得译介。下面的文字由于是对话,所以显得有些散漫,但明斯基教授的主要思想都有反映。其中对具体乐曲的评论要结合背景音乐才能领会,加上与主题关系不大,故略过不译。标题《音乐、情绪和认知》为译者所加。 音频在这里有下载: http://www.sl4.org/archive/0409/9846.html 音乐、情绪和认知 By 马文 . 明斯基 红猪 译 文中C代表主持人,M代表明斯基教授 C: 首先欢迎《情绪机器》。情绪是什么?我们为何会有情绪?音乐为何会激发情绪?我们请来了美国科学家马文 . 明斯基教授,明斯基教授被称为人工智能之父,同时也是已故贝多芬的乐迷。明斯基教授眼下正在写一本名为《情绪机器》( Emotion Machine )的书,他在书中提出了一个关于人类情绪的全新理论。在下面二十分钟的访谈中,他将借助贝多芬乐曲的一点帮助,和主持人 Chris Maslanka 一道探讨自己的新想法。就从《迪亚贝利变奏曲》中的一首说起。 M: 这音乐如此简单,却又如此丰富。曲子里包含多种音调。钢琴声在我听来如同一支乐队,因为每个声音都在表达相同却又不同的内容。现在他来了点爵士。我觉得这显示了贝多芬是如何发明爵士乐的。猛敲键盘让我想到现代流行音乐。贝多芬是最伟大的实验者,他尝试了各种新的音乐类型,这个人发明了一百种新的思维方式。我觉得情绪不过是思维方式罢了。如果听过音乐之后,你的思维方式没有改变,那最好还是不要听了。 C:  明斯基教授,我随便问了几个人:情绪是什么?得到的答案五花八门,一位个性颇浪漫的女性告诉我,愤怒是种心情( mood ),而爱是一种情绪( emotion )。另一位女性则对我说,情绪只有悲伤和幸福两种。为什么感觉起来这么简单直接的东西,谈论起来却相当困难呢? M: 这是个很好的问题。我觉得这是因为,我们把情绪这个词当成了一口箱子,凡是我们不理解的意识状态统统都往里扔。 C: 我们笼统地用这个词语表达许多东西。 M:  没错。要是观察一下婴儿多数动物,你会它们都在生命早期表现出各种活动状态,像是饥饿、恐惧和疼痛。我认为这些都是先天的机制,因为它们在很早就显示出来了,有人把它们称作初级情绪( primary emotions )。 C: 这么说它们已在脑中预先接好线路的。 M: 没错。接着你就过上了成年人的生活,参与起了更复杂的活动,我们给这些活动起了上千个名字,我觉得应该把这些更为复杂的情绪看作是不同的思维方式。当你愤怒时,你会改变自己关注的重心,你看待事物的方式也改变了。你要是觉得害怕,就会把某人的某个的手势看作威胁、而非邀请。我觉得情绪就是开关罢了。 C:  那么,情绪是如何运作的呢,用生物学的术语来说? M: 我喜欢把脑看作是一大片资源,脑有四百种不同的机制,你要是把它们统统打开,就会发生交通堵塞。情绪就在这四百种资源中做出选择。当你愤怒时,你就打开其中的三十或一百个;当你思考数学时,就打开其中的一百个;其中有的部分相互重合,还有的没有。每个心智状态或情绪状态都是你激活资源中的某几组后产生的。 C: 这些过程大多是无意识的吧?我们自己并不太了解。 M:  就算我们觉得自己意识到了,我们其实也并没真的有意识到,我们的脑没有足够的空间来表征其本身。 C: 它会无限自指。 M: 没错,你要是不断问自己我为什么做了我做的事?那你就会问我为什么要问我为什么做了我做的事?你要怎么摆脱这个循环呢?你会什么都干不了。演化一定把这些活动藏到了我们的意识之外。也许有人的脑中形成了某种连接,使其中的一个部分能看到其他部分在干什么。这些人不是疯了,就是不再关注外部世界。也许获得强大洞见的人都从这个物种中淘汰出去了,因为他们忙着思考自身,我们当中就有这样的人。 C:  可以说,它们都是阿基米德或空想家。 M:  没错,这就是个矛盾了。看似简单基本的事倒有可能是我们的脑做的最复杂的事。但脑的其他部分看不见它们是怎么工作的。比如,当你看着一只咖啡杯――我现在就看着一只――这个看的过程中包含了几百个进程( process ) , 这些进程观察物体的边缘和区域,区分不同的质地,比如,它们得知道这杯子旁边的阴影不是杯子的一部分。但在日常语言中,我们只是说:我看过去,就见到了杯子。我觉得情绪状态也是如此,我们并不知道自己脑中的上百个中心是如何运作的,因而只能使用这些粗糙的字词。 我们只有几个词语来描述思维状态。它们不是很好用,因为我们直到晚近才有了计算机科学。未来的一百年,等我们有了能扫描脑部的机器,也许就会有人收集到所有的数据并弄清楚脑中发生的事,但我怀疑这是否会实现。可能需要很大一台计算机才能追踪那么多部分。 C:  我觉得人们一般认为思考是理性的,而情绪是非理性的。思考是个枯燥的过程,即使一台电脑都能思考,我的电脑就为我计算收支;而情绪是神秘、浪漫、诗意的。但你现在告诉我说,其中的区别只在于打开或关闭不同的资源而已。 M: 说到情绪,人们常认为人只是本能的集合,这种观点把人看成了简单肤浅的机器。大家都理所当然地认为思考只是简单的计算。然而实际上,当你思考时,你在许多层面上做着许多事。你问自己我是否在这条道上花了太多时间?我是否在搜索正确的选项?我不知道怎么解决这个问题。我怎样利用以前解决过的相似问题来解决这一个?你当然可以进行无数推理,因此你得有一个目标,知道自己应该瞄准哪里。你脑中的不同资源有着不同的目标( goal ),它们总是彼此冲突。所以我并不认为思考是完全理性、完全逻辑的过程。我觉得如下的理论非常庄严:我们的心灵有几百个复杂的部分,如果我们理解了它们,或许就能学会控制它们。理解这点就能给人力量。理解某个事物往往能给你力量。有人认为,如果我们理解了自己为何喜欢音乐,我们就不会再喜欢音乐了。但我觉得那很荒唐,你永远不可能统统了解,知道的越多,眼前的可能性就越多。 C:  此外,理性也分几种。不知道你是否听过村子里的笨蛋这个故事:村里人到笨蛋那去给他钱,并让他在五十美分和半美元之间挑选,他每次都挑五十美分,结果一个银行职员对他说:笨蛋啊,你得明白,五十美分就是半美元。他说:我当然知道。但我要是拿了半美元,那么拿钱的过程还能持续那么久吗?但我们为什么会说我们感受到了情绪?我们在谈论脚上的疼痛或是饥饿时也说感受。我们为何会在几种情况下都使用同一个简单易混淆的词呢? M: 我觉得这是因为这些心理状态都对脑的其他部分具有相似的功能和影响。我觉得人们称为感情的东西其实是很复杂的思维模式。当有东西扎到的手指时,你会说你有了疼痛的感觉,接下来你会放弃所有其他目标,并致力于将那把蟹钳从手上挪开。我们还说到精神痛苦,精神痛苦的人无法思考,因为他会不断想到离他而去的爱人或丢失的钱财。大体来讲,身体和精神的痛苦是非常相似的。两者都会产生脑的阻塞,让你无法达成日常目标。因此你会用同一个词来形容这两种完全不同的模式。 C: 此外,我们的姿态似乎也在告诉他人我们正在经历这种过程,我们哭泣或尖叫时都是如此。 M: 是的,这源于你的文化。有时候,光是思考就解决问题。有时候思考不管用,而别的什么人或许能帮上忙。跟多数动物不同,我们是通过社会互动学会大量知识的。你会在忍受痛苦时会发出呻吟并期望有人前来相助,这就解释得通了。 C: 为什么情绪会有用处。我们经常听人说,如果不是感情挡道,他们就能完成许多事。比如说愤怒吧,愤怒有什么用处呢? M: 它是达成目标的绝好策略,因为当某人愤怒时,他会脸色变红、呼吸异常、牙齿外露,如果你正与人冲突,这些反应就能很好地让对方明白你会不讲道理、不会听他们的论辩。这就是演化给我们愤怒的原因。我觉得爱慕 (affection) 起到了同样的作用。 C: 那么爱情的功能是什么呢?它可要比繁殖复杂多了。 M: 没错,动物不会面临繁殖的问题。但我觉得人类在这方面面临着严重的问题,至少在文明社会中是如此。假设你了解到:如果和这位异性交配,你就会有一个小孩,每天得花上十六小时照顾他,还必须放弃你的事业,本来喜欢的事也一件都干不成,那样的话,就没有人会要孩子了。于是就有了这件称为坠入爱河的妙事。我觉得爱情会关闭脑中批评性的部分,关闭在处境中寻找困难的感受器。你于是觉得对方尽善尽美,还说起了貌似深奥的胡话。话说回来,如果不加批评的话,任何事都可以显得深奥。因此,我认为,我们演化出的这种特殊机制关闭了脑的部分,它让你不大会考虑自己行为的后果。 C: 有种蜘蛛必须引开配偶的注意,好让自己不被对方吃掉,并且有时间进行交配。于是它们用礼品引开配偶的注意。 M: 脑中发生的事大概差不多吧。脑的部分如果想把某件事做好,就得学会如何将其他部分关掉。我们都知道有些人会待在一个地方连着几小时思考问题,连吃饭都会忘记。我姐姐有一次去指挥家托斯卡尼尼家拜访,他的孙子是她朋友。我后来问她:老爷子怎样?她说:他很无趣,整天坐在角落里看乐谱。 C: 贝多芬的清洁女工看到他整天在纸上涂写,一定也会觉得困惑吧。 M: 没错,再想想他是怎么指挥第九交响曲的,传说观众鼓掌时他茫然无知,直到有人帮他转过身来。贝多芬是在一片真空中做音乐的。大多数人无法想象那种场面。 (开始评论第九交响曲,略) C: 音乐为什么会激发类似真实情绪的感觉呢? M: 确实奇怪,贝多芬已经过世一百年,为什么还能从坟墓中控制我的意识呢?其中的奥妙在哪里?有人能不经我的同意就做到这一点,可够讨厌的。 C: 没错,叫人愤慨。 M: 可能是这么回事:我们能够识别几种简单的声音,比如突然发出的尖叫声告诉你有人在发火。看看动物吧,动物没有语言,但许多动物却用很少几种基本的叫声来表达痛苦、饥饿等等。也许最初的音乐是对笑声、快乐和沮丧的叫声的模仿。 Manfred Clynes 写了本好书叫《情感学》( Sentics ),他在书中描述了七种曲线,并说它们与初级情绪有关,还宣称这对全人类都有效,我觉得他说得没错。音乐的部分或许包含哭声,让你感觉想哭;安抚声接着出现,让你感觉好些。音乐在对你将这样一个故事:感觉糟糕的时有人对你好,你就会感觉好些。这些都是抽象的情绪事件,音乐能引导你经历整个过程。 C: 是否可以说,我们有种抽象的故事感,或形式感,而这些形式中的元素就像是姿态,而我们在音乐中不知怎的注意到了这些姿态? M: 没错。贝九的第四乐章类似某个情绪故事。 Manfred Clynes 还提到,听音乐时,你会经历一系列情绪状态,每种状态持续一两秒钟。而在日常生活中,有那样经历的人会被送进精神病院。但在音乐中,作曲家让你恼怒一阵、再焦虑一阵。经历这个过程,你说不定就能学会控制自己的情绪了。如果真的管用,听音乐就是种绝妙的教育了。 C: 我们如何才能确定我们在音乐中感到的欢快或悲伤是贝多芬想让我们感受的? M: 我想大概只有最简单的、表达喜悦或悲伤的声音才能被所有人理解吧。这可能是个经验的问题。如果听者了解从帕莱斯特里纳到巴赫到海顿到莫扎特的古典音乐,他就会理解贝多芬的音乐,古典音乐是种高度发达的文化。来自另外一种音乐文化的人听了贝多芬写的音乐会有什么感受,我还真不知道。他是在传达情绪吗?我们感受到的是他感受到的吗?我们不可能知道。每个人的反应肯定都不相同。也许他的某些情绪我们从未来感受过。 (讲解贝多芬第 29 奏鸣曲,略,大意是这首乐曲显示了贝多芬是如何思考的) C: 那么,我们为何会对音乐做出反应呢? M: 对此我没有单一的理论。我认为这个机制是偶然产生的。它把和语言、视觉及运动有关的脑细胞联系在了一起。 C: 如果这种从音乐中获得乐趣的能力是演化而来的,那么它对我们有什么用处呢?音乐有时候实在耗费精力,我们去歌剧院听音乐,从网上下载音乐,我们演奏音乐、研究音乐,在音乐上花大钱。我们从中得到了什么呢?它是否仅仅是种药物?是否只提供短暂的快感? M: 我觉得我们需要一个关于快感的理论。我们喜欢或不喜欢的时候发生了什么?马克 . 土温说过一个关于瓦格纳的笑话。喜欢瓦格纳吗?厄,他的音乐比听上去要好。我觉得快感显然和学习有关。你做了一件喜欢的事,就会想要再做一遍。但想要再做一遍的机制是什么呢?你得建立关于这是什么,我怎么开始做的记忆。我怀疑快感的窍门之一是:如果发生了某件事,你又想要了解这是如何发生的并想将它记下,那么你就得关闭脑子里制造环境噪声的其他部分。这说明我们称为快感的东西会压制大部分脑的活动,好让少量几种活动能反复地将事情烙进脑海、不断加强。 C: 这么说,如果快感就是将脑部分关闭,那么快感就未必总是好事。 M: 没错。 C: 我们会认为作曲家和其他创意型的艺术家会在创作中经历痛苦、饱受煎熬,是否就是这个原因? M: 艺术在创造新东西时,当然会破坏自己平常做事的方法。于是脑的其他部分就会说这样不对,我没法完成自己的工作了。因此我觉得有创意的人得擅长将脑中因痛苦产生的抱怨关闭,或许还得加以利用。因此创造型的艺术家得敢于冒险,得做些通常行不通、但还是值得一试的事情。 C: 在我看来,音乐不仅帮助我们用不同的方式思考,音乐唤起的情绪和思维方式也和自然状态下产生的不同。它触及的那部分意识是其他过程所无法触及的。 M: 没错。它能产生你在日常生活中从未想到的组合,并迫使你进入你永远无法企及的状态。在贝九的第四乐章中,作曲家试图让我同时思考几个想法,乐队和和声各行其是,我想要同时注意所有声部,但没人能够。古典音乐当中,我最喜欢这一点。我们会说某事吸引你的注意。我所以喜欢赋格,是因为赋格会吸引你的全部注意。这就是音乐能为我们做的另一件事了:它不仅教我们换一种思考方式,还让我们同时用几种方式思考。我们可以同时思考其中的节奏、速度、质感、结构和故事。这真是一场冒险,每时每刻。贝多芬接下来会告诉我们什么呢? 标签: 翻译 , 认知科学 , 音乐
个人分类: 心理|2107 次阅读|0 个评论
(译)伽玛射线天文学年表
songshuhui 2008-9-2 15:23
Melipal 发表于2008-06-17 星期二 15:46 分类: 天文 , 学科 | | 高能天文卫星GLAST已于6月11日成功发射,进入预计的轨道。第一批科学数据按计划将于3个月之后正式公布。由于最近本人的计算机出了些硬件故障,没有及时将消息转到松鼠会,抱歉。 在这里再发一篇NASA提供的伽玛射线天文学年表,从1950年前后的理论奠基一直到今年GLAST升空。以下是正文: Robert Naeye and David Thompson 译自 NASA ,2008年6月9日 20世纪50年代 麻省理工学院的物理学家Philip Morrison等人进行的计算预言,与星际物质相互作用的宇宙线会在银河系内产生伽玛射线辐射。 60年代初 最初的气球实验以及NASA的探险者11号卫星发现了银河系100 MeV伽玛射线辐射的最早线索,不过这些结果并不确切。易探测的信号的缺乏表明,Morrison等人过于乐观了。 60年代初 第一代地基大气切伦科夫望远镜(ACT)在美国与前苏联落成运行。ACT探测的是来自宇宙的甚高能(硬)伽玛射线与地球大气分子相互作用产生的蓝色切伦科夫光。早期的ACT得到的结果并不确切,没有作出决定性的探测。 60年代末 美国的Vela军用卫星在搜寻前苏联的秘密核试验时,无意间探测到了伽玛射线暴(GRB)。但直到1973年之前,GRB的存在都是个机密。 1967年至1969年 NASA的轨道太阳观测台(OSO-3)探测到了来自深空的伽玛光子,总计621个,这标志着一次重大的突破。它证实了源于宇宙线作用的银河辐射确实存在,并发现了弥漫的伽玛射线背景。OSO-3的结果很快被多个研究小组放飞的试验气球所确认。 70年代初 阿波罗15号和16号指令舱携带的伽玛射线探测器在前往月球途中发现了低能伽玛射线的弥漫背景。同样的仪器还帮助测出了月球表面放射性元素产生的伽玛射线辐射。 1972年 NASA的小天文卫星2号(SAS-2)确认了OSO-3所发现的弥漫伽玛射线背景辐射。SAS-2的结果表明,河内辐射与银河系的结构有关。它研究了蟹状星云与船帆座的伽玛射线脉冲星,发现了一个意料之外的点源,后来人们知道,这是中子星Geminga。 1975年至1981年 欧洲的COS-B卫星(与SAS-2的体积与开销差不多)又发现了另外25个伽玛射线点源,其中一部分仍未辨认。其他的被确认为是脉冲星。其中还有另一个天体是第一个河外伽玛源:3C 273,这是个距离我们相对较近的类星体。COS-B也探测到了弥漫的银河系辐射。 1979年至1981年 NASA的高能天体物理天文台3号(HEAO-3)发现了来自银河系中心的低能(软)伽玛射线,它们来自正反电子的湮灭。(这就是511 keV谱线,有些科学家认为,它们属于硬X射线波段。)某些现在仍不为人所知的过程应该会在银心周围的区域产生反物质。这些结果为气球实验所证实。 1980年至1989年 NASA的太阳极大期任务卫星探测到了来自太阳耀斑的软伽玛射线。 80年代末 第2代ACT投入使用,其中的代表是亚利桑那州的10米Whipple望远镜。Whipple间接探测到了来自蟹状星云方向的硬伽玛射线,不过辐射并不是源自星云中心脉冲星的。 80年代末 气球实验探测到了超新星1987A放射性元素产生的伽玛射线,这证实了超新星产生新元素的理论预言。 1980年代末 NASA与前苏联进行了数次专门用于研究GRB的任务,探测到的爆发数目有所增加,同时,解释此类谜样现象起源的理论种类也有所增加。 1991年至2000年 NASA4架大天文台设备之一的康普顿伽玛射线天文台(CGRO)用一系列的重大发现带来了伽玛射线天文台的革命。设计寿命为2年的CGRO实际运转了9年,现已由于陀螺仪硬件故障而脱离轨道。BATSE仪器探测到了2700余个GRB,并揭示出它们来自天空中的各个方向,这强烈显示,它们是发生在遥远星系中的爆发。BATSE的观测还表明,GRB看起来可以分为两类:长暴(长于2秒)与短暴(短于2秒)。EGRET仪器则发现了271个点源,其中包括70个耀变体和6颗脉冲星,但2/3的源仍未被辨认出来。发现如此多的耀变体出乎人们的意料。COMPTEL测绘了河内铝26的分布,展示了银河系的恒星形成区。OSSE更精确地测量了银心的湮灭线,并发现了来自X射线双星与塞佛特星系的伽玛射线辐射。 90年代初 地基ACT发现了来自若干耀变体的硬伽玛射线。让天文学家感到惊奇的是,辐射的光变时标只有几分钟到几小时。 1997年至2003年 意大利与荷兰合作的BeppoSAX卫星虽然主要用于X射线研究,却在观测GRB长暴余辉时为一些GRB进行了快速定位。对于地基后续观测来说,位置数据已足够精确,而哈勃太空望远镜后来的观测证实,爆发发生在遥远的距离上。这是一次重大的突破。 2000年至2007年 NASA的高能暂现源探测器2号(HETE-2)卫星协助证实了GRB长暴与超新星之间的关联。(译注: GCN 与 HEASARC 均未提到HETE-2退役的信息,望指教) 2002年至今 NASA的Reuven Ramaty高能太阳分光成象(RHESSI)卫星继续促进着天文学家对太阳耀斑粒子加速与能量释放的了解。RHESSI不经意间发现了一个GRB的偏振,表明其中必然牵扯到了强磁场。 2003年至今 除了许多其他的研究,欧洲空间局的国际伽玛射线天体物理实验室(INTEGRAL)卫星还测量了整个银河系中的铝26分布水平,数据表明,平均说来,银河系中每百年发生两次超新星爆发。 2004年至今 NASA的Swift卫星当下每年可以探测到100个左右的GRB,并可以为其中相当一部分定位,以进行后续研究。该计划表明,GRB比先前所认为的更加多样化,并且有着不同的起源。对短暴余辉的后续观测强烈支持一个理论,也就是部分此类事件起源于中子星之间或是黑洞与中子星的并合。 2000年 新一代先进的地基ACT为甚高能伽玛射线天文学带来了空前的灵敏度与分辨率。欧洲的高能体视系统(H.E.S.S.)是其中的代表,这是设在纳米比亚的4望远镜阵列。这些探测器正在探测着脉冲星风星云、双星系统、超新星遗迹以及众多未辨认的辐射源。其他重要的ACT包括CANGAROO(澳大利亚与日本的合作项目,位于澳大利亚)、MAGIC(位于加纳利群岛的La Palma)以及VERITAS(坐落在亚利桑那)。MILAGRO(位于新墨西哥)使用的是满铺光电倍增管的大型游泳池来进行伽玛射线巡天。这些地基设备将探测范围扩展到了伽玛射线最高能段,从而补充了GLAST。 2007年 意大利卫星AGILE于4月23日发射。这颗小型卫星携带有高能伽玛射线探测器,灵敏度与EGRET接近,但视场更宽。 2008年 NASA的伽玛射线大视场太空望远镜(GLAST)发射。 标签: 历史 , 天文 , 翻译 , 高能
个人分类: 天文|1141 次阅读|0 个评论
多重世界中的多重生活
songshuhui 2008-9-2 15:11
Shea 发表于2008-06-27 星期五 20:04 分类: 物理 | | Max Tegmark 文Shea 译 如果你认为量子物理是普适的真理,那你就应该相信有平行宇宙。 :是否只有在科幻小说中我们才能生活在平行的世界里?如果一个原子可以同时出现在两个地方,那么你也能。 几乎我所有的同事都知道它,但是却几乎没有人这正读过它。2007年为了庆祝其问世50周年,修埃弗雷特(Hugh Everett)博士论文的手稿被刊登在了新书《多重世界解释下的量子力学》中。我依然记得当我在伯克利研究生院后面的小书店里找到这本书的时候是多么的 兴奋,一直到现在我都认为这是我读过的写得的最才华横溢的书之一。 当埃弗雷特在普林斯顿师从约翰惠勒(John Wheeler)开始他的研究生学习的时候,量子力学已经在解释原子方面取得了令人晕眩的成功,但是隐藏在其数学表达式背后的真正意义还备受争议。当我在 普林斯顿做博士后的时候,我有幸和惠勒一起讨论过量子力学,但是我却未曾有机会见到埃弗雷特。 量子力学认为宇宙的状态不能用经典的位置和速度来描述,而是要用被称为波函数的数学形式。按照薛定谔方程,波函数会以确定的方式随时间演化,这被数学家称为唯一性。尽管量子力学总被认为具有内在的随机性和不确定性,但是波函数随时间的演化却不具有这些特点。 真正棘手的问题是如何把波函数与我们的观测相衔接。许多合理的波函数对应的却是违反常理的情况,例如在同一时间既死又活处于叠加态的薛定谔的猫。 20世纪20年代,物理学家对此的解释是,当有人去打开箱子一窥这只猫的死活的时候,波函数就会随机坍缩但会留下一个确定的非死即活的经典结果。虽然 这样可以解释观测,但是却让量子力学显得不完整,因为量子力学在数学上没有指明观测是由什么组成的以及波函数何时会坍缩。 埃弗雷特的理论陈述起来很简单,但是它的结果却是复杂的,包括由此产生的平行宇宙。概括起来讲,埃弗雷特认为薛定谔方程在任何时候都成立。换句话 说,宇宙的波函数永远不会坍缩。仅此而已,没有提及平行宇宙或者是分裂的多重世界,它们只是这个理论的推论而非前提。他卓越不凡的地方就在于,这样一个没 有坍缩的量子理论仍然可以解释观测。但是他预言,描述宏观世界的波函数会渐渐演化成一个描述多重世界叠加态的波函数,而观测者主观经历这一分裂得到的仅仅 是有限的随机性,其概率和使用波函数坍缩方法计算的结果一致。 获得认同 重要的科学发现一般会经历三个阶段:一开始它们会被完全忽略,然后它们会猛烈地反击,最后则会变得熟视无睹。埃弗雷特的理论也不例外,它花了10年的时间才开始受到重视。但是这对于让学术界觉醒的埃弗雷特来说已经太晚了。 埃弗雷特无坍缩的理论目前还没有进入第三阶段,但是在20世纪70、80年代由于过于疯狂而被广泛忽视之后,它现在渐渐获得了认同。在1999年一次 量子理论会议的非正式投票中,尽管有许多物理学家对此不置可否,但是这一理论的得票要远高于其他的想法。我相信向上的趋势是明显的。 为什么会发生这样的变化呢?我认为有几个原因。来自宇宙学暴涨和弦理论对平行宇宙的预言增加了学术界对这一古怪想法的包容性。同时新的实验显示即使在较大的系统中也会出现量子叠加态。最后,退相干过程的发现解答了埃弗雷特理论中存在的关键问题。 例如,如果这些平行宇宙存在,为什么我们没有察觉到呢?毕竟量子叠加效应不会仅仅局限在微观世界中。同时,由于你也是由原子组成的,如果原子在叠加态中能同时出现在两个地方,那么你也应该可以。 突破来自1970年迪特泽赫(Dieter Zeh)的一篇开创性论文,他证明薛定谔方程自身具有一种审查机制。这一效应被称为退相干,在此后的几十年中沃奇克祖瑞克(Wojciech Zurek)、泽赫以及其他人对此进行了仔细的研究。只有在与外界不发生作用的情况下,量子叠加态才是可观测的。例如,一张量子扑克牌由于其不断地与空气 分子、光子以及其他粒子发生碰撞,摧毁了其自身的叠加态进而变得无法观测,于是它要么正面朝上要么背面朝上。退相干同时也解释了宏观物体为什么具有如此特 殊的状态。 科学还是哲学? 在量子物理中引入随机波函数坍缩是为了解释我们为什么能观测到的概率以及为什么宏观物体不具有叠加态。在埃弗雷特提出一切都是随机的以及退相干理论解 释了为什么我们不曾经历叠加态之后,引入波函数坍缩就显得不是那么必要了。尽管在埃弗雷特的眼中波函数在技术上是永不坍缩的,但是退相干造成的结果看上去 却就像是发生了坍缩。 我觉得现在是时候更新那些依然把波函数坍缩作为量子力学基本假设的教科书了。做为计算手段波函数坍缩依然具有它的使用价值,但是为了避免混淆学生们应 该知道这也许并不是拓展薛定谔方程的基本方式。如果一本量子力学教科书的索引中没有出现埃弗雷特和退相干,那么我建议你还是另买一本更新的。 50年后我们可以庆祝埃弗雷特的解释依然和观测相符,但是我们还必须面对另一个问题:它是科学还是哲学?其核心是平行宇宙自身并不是一个理论,而是某些理论的推论。对于一个可证伪的理论,我们不需要观测和检验它的每一个预言只要一个就够了。 由于爱因斯坦的广义相对论成功地预言了许多我们观测到的现象,因此即使我们无法观测我们也会认真对待它所给出其他结果,例如黑洞的内部结构。类似地,量子力学成功的预言也使得科学家们严肃地看待它的其他预言,包括平行宇宙。 此外,通过未来的实验,埃弗雷特的理论也是可以证伪的。它认为,不管这个系统多大,你都不会观测到波函数的坍缩。确实,在含有许多原子的系统中已经观 测到了不坍缩的叠加态,例如碳-60分子。一些小组正在尝试在含有10亿亿个甚至更多原子的系统中制造出量子叠加态,这些系统已经非常接近宏观系统。与此 同时,全世界都在努力制造量子计算机,一旦成功它将可以以比普通计算机快指数式的速度来分解自然数,这相当于在埃弗雷特的平行宇宙中实施并行计算。 鸟的视野 因此埃弗雷特的理论是可检验的,而且到目前为止和观测相符。但是你真的应该相信它吗?当我思考自然界的最终属性的时候,我发现从两个角度来考察一个物 理理论非常有用。一个是以研究其数学结构的物理学家的外部眼光来看,另一个则是用一个身处其数学所描述的世界中的观测者的内部视角来审视。前者好像是一只 飞翔于高处的鸟儿可以纵览全局,后者则像是被这之鸟看到的青蛙。 从鸟的视野来看,埃弗雷特的宇宙是简单的。那里只有一个波函数,它随着时间平滑而确定的演化,不存在分裂与平行。由这个波函数描述的抽象量子世界包含 了大量的经典平行宇宙,它们不断地分裂、合并,同时其中也包含了大量缺乏经典描述的量子现象。从青蛙的角度来看,观测者看到的仅仅是所有物理实在的一小部 分,它们把经典世界的分裂当成了量子世界的不确定性。 那么青蛙的视角和鸟的视野哪个更基本?换句话说,对于你而言哪个更基本:人类的语言还是数学的语言?如果你选择前者,那么你可能会青睐于量子力学的多重世界解释,而量子力学为了使得波函数坍缩并且消除多重宇宙牺牲了其数学上的简单性。 但是如果你倾向于一个简单而纯粹的数学理论,那么你和我一样会在多重世界解释上遇到麻烦。一般而言,要建立一个能预言所有可观测现象的数学理论是极为困难的,量子理论也不例外。 此外,由于演化所赋予我们的直觉仅仅来自我们的祖先对生存所必需的物理现象的认识,例如石头飞行的轨迹,因此我们觉得量子力学是违反直觉的。 你可以做出选择。但是我担心,如果我们由于它看上去古怪而忽视埃弗雷特的理论,那么我们就有可能失去把我们的视野拓展到地平线以外的机会。20世纪20年代沙普利和柯蒂斯关于是否存在大量星系(当时的平行宇宙)的争论现在依然具有启示作用。 埃弗雷特要我们知道我们的物理世界要比我们所能想象的还要大得多,比起50年前这样一个建议在宇宙学取得巨大突破的今天可能更容易被接受。我们认为埃 弗雷特的唯一失误就是他所处的年代。在下一个50年,我相信我们会更习惯我们的宇宙所拥有的这些古怪的特征,甚至发现这些古怪的特点正是她迷人的所在。 注:在这个宇宙中,作者Max Tegmark是美国麻省理工学院的一名物理学家。 标签: 修埃弗雷特 , 多重世界 , 平行宇宙 , 物理 , 翻译 , 量子力学
个人分类: 物理|1479 次阅读|0 个评论
小红猪小分队作品:包皮,切,还是不切(《新科学家》译稿)
songshuhui 2008-9-2 10:49
小红猪小分队 发表于2008-08-21 星期四 10:27 分类: 健康 , 医学 , 小红猪翻译小分队 | | 包皮环切术的真专家和假内行之间展开唇枪舌战。薇薇安 马克斯进行深度调查。 署名人:薇薇安 马克斯,格拉汉 劳顿; 译:BY 【 科学松鼠会 之 小红猪小分队 出品,非商业转载请注明出处】 设想一下,存在某种快捷简单的外科手术,实验结果表明,它能给你新出生的孩子终生 HIV 防御能力,也许还能抵挡各色性传播疾病,甚至癌症。这手术只有轻微的疼痛,少量的流血,偶尔会出岔子,但出现严重反作用的风险微乎其微。你是否会选择它?我猜你多半会。可是,等你发现其他实验的结果认为这项手术的益处很有问题,而且它还牵涉到切掉你孩子阴茎的一部分,这时候你又做何种感想呢? 简单来说,这正是新生男孩父母所面临的两难问题。据风头越来越劲的男性包皮环切术鼓吹者说,切掉一截包皮是有史以来最有效的公众卫生手段之一,应该像疫苗接种一样成为常规。反对者则说,且慢。反对者坚称环切术并无医学上的好处,而且还要毁坏男人的性生活。类似的争论持续了几十年,但近期就环切术在阻止 HIV 传播中扮演的角色方面的发现,让包皮或是没有包皮又回到了公众卫生的议事日程中。 据伦敦卫生学和热带医学学院( London School of Hygiene Tropical Medicine )的海伦 维斯( Helen Weiss )说,全世界有大约百分之三十的男人做过环切术,因而环切术很可能是地球上最普遍的外科手术。大多数环切术的原因是文化和信仰,不过在医学领域内推广此项手术以提高卫生和防止感染也已有时日。 环切术鼓吹者的最新发现是防止 HIV 感染。二十世纪八十年代中期,美国泌尿学家阿隆 芬克( Aaron Fink )注意到非洲 AIDS 患者中有很大一部分没有做过环切术( The New England Journal of Medicine , vol 315, p 1167 )。在接下来的几年中,成堆的实测证据表明,做过环切术的男人倾向于较低的 HIV 阳性概率,到两千年的时候,这项结果得到了广泛的接受( AIDS , vol 14, p 2361 )。 不过,我们所需要的是大量随机临床实验结果,以此证明环切术能保护男人对抗病毒。这方面的首个研究于二零零二年开始产出数据,实验地点为橙子农场( Orange Fame )南非靠近约翰内斯堡的大型城镇。照计划实验要进行三年之久,但被提前结束,因为半途分析表明环切术将 HIV 感染率降低了百分之六十这样的结果让实验的领导者,法国国立健康与医药研究院( INSERM )的贝尔特朗 奥夫列特( Bertran Auvert )把环切术比作效率极高的疫苗( PLoS Medicine , vol 2, p e298 )。 另外两次规模更大的实验,一次在肯尼亚的奇苏穆( Kisumu ),另一次在乌干达的拉凯( Rakai ),也都由于压倒性的正面结果而提前中止。这两项研究在《柳叶刀》杂志上登出时( vol 369, p 643, and p 657 ),与之相配的编者按称之为 HIV 预防的新时代( The Lancet , vol 369, p 615 )。奥夫列特的计算认为,二零零六年到二零一六年之间,环切术在非洲撒哈拉以南地区内可以预防三百八十万起感染和五十万起死亡,到二零二六年可累计防止五百八十万起死亡( PLoS Medicine , vol 3, p e262 )。 环切术主要保护异性间性交中的男子,同时也惠及女性。美国国家过敏与传染病研究院( US National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases )的安东尼 佛西( Anthony Fauci )他帮助奇苏穆和拉凯的实验筹集资金对此发表评论道,初期的好处是男性 HIV 感染者的减少,但环切术也能让那些 HIV 主要通过异性间性交传播的地区内的女性感染者减少。 说到这里,环切术究竟是如何抵御 HIV 的呢?据澳大利亚悉尼大学( University of Sydney )的分子生物学家,同时也是环切术的主要支持者,布莱恩 莫里斯( Brian Morris )解释,包皮内衬正是我们的弱点。病毒难以攻破包皮外表面的角质化皮肤和阴茎本身,但包皮内表面缺少角蛋白,并且堆积有大量 Lngerhans 这样被 HIV 当作进入点的的免疫细胞。这让包皮内衬变得非常,非常易受攻击,莫里斯如是说。 HIV 长驱直入。 非洲实验鼓励了世界卫生组织( World Health Organization )和联合国 HIV/AIDS 联合计划( Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS , UNAIDS )进行规划,帮助非洲国家在成年男性中开展或是推广环切术不过他们也特别提请注意,环切术并不能让男性免疫,伴侣间依然应该进行安全性行为。这是进行预防的大好时机,特别是对于高 HIV 流行性的某些非洲地区而言,哈佛公众卫生学院( Harvard School of Public Health )的流行病学家,美国国际发展处( US Agency for International Development , USAID )的前全球 HIV 顾问,丹尼尔 豪普林( Daniel Halperin )说。叫我说,这是二十年来最伟大的医学发现,旧金山市健康部门主持性传播疾病预防和控制事务的杰弗里 克劳思纳这样说。 然而,就环切术所涉及的各种事情而言,它们或许都没有初看时那般确定让我们先从实验本身说起。许多批评者认定实验的设计和执行导致了不确定性,环切术在真实世界中的有效性或许根本比不上基于实验结果的预测( Future HIV Therapy , vol 2, p 193 )。举例来说,众所周知,由于结果太好而过早结束的临床实验往往对有效性估计过高( The Lancet , vol 368, p 1236 )。很多研究者认为,如果实验做满三年而且一直继续下去的话,更多接受过环切术的男人可能被病毒感染。 法国巴黎巴斯德研究院( Pasteur Institute )的米切尔 加鲁涅认为,与此类似的各种因素使得环切术和疫苗之间的类比有着高度误导大众的可能性。十八个月内,百分之六十的减少,这和疫苗提供的近乎于百分之百的抵御能力迥然不同,更说不上在一生的性行为中保护男性个体( PLoS Medicine , vol 3, p e78 )。他还就对于研究结果的一般化提出异议,指出在某些国家首当其冲的是喀麦隆、莱索托和马拉维,事实恰恰相反( African Journal of AIDS Research , vol 7, p 1 )。 除此之外,对于环切术是否能够保护女性也颇有争议。在今年早些时候的一场重要 AIDS 研讨会上,马里兰州巴尔的摩市的约翰 霍普金斯大学( Johns Hopkins University )的小组报告,已经接受过环切术的男性,如果他们呈 HIV 阳性,那么其伴侣受感染的几率较高。据小组领导者玛丽亚 瓦沃( Maria Wawer )认为个中原因是一些伴侣在环切术伤口愈合之前,过早进行了性生活,这使得女性暴露在含病毒的血液之中。 当然了,环切术无法保护 HIV 阳性的男性,但如若环切术成为主流,这些男性恐怕也会去做环切手术:或许因为他们不知道已经已受感染,或许因为没有经过环切的阴茎将成为 HIV 阳性的标志。 另外一件要害怕的事情是,环切术可能会鼓励高危性行为,因为男性或会产生错误的安全感,甚至觉得自己拥有免疫力,可以停止使用安全套。奥夫列特的小组估计此项作用将使环切术的有效性从百分之六十降至百分之五十( PLoS Medicine , vol 3, p e517 )。另一模型的结果是,如果百分之四十接受过环切术的男性明显加强高危性行为频率的话,那么环切术的正面效果将被彻底抹杀( International Journal of Epidemiology , DOI: 10.1093/ije/dyn038 )。话虽如此,一项在肯尼亚进行的真实世界研究表明,新近接受过环切术的男性并没有更多进行高危性行为,例如不使用安全套( Journal of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndromes , vol 44, p 66 )。 非洲进行环切术的争论持续之时,在西方世界又展开了第二场辩论。如果环切术在非洲成为了对抗 AIDS 的有效武器,那么是否应该在其他各处推而广之? 双方都缺乏有足够说服力的证据。豪普林说,流行病学意义上的极大地域差异意味着无法直接将非洲的发现应用于其他地区。 举例来说,在非洲撒哈拉以南地区, HIV 传播的主要途径是异性间的性行为;但是在发达国家中,主要传播途径是男性间的同性性行为、卖淫和注射毒品。这让仅能保护异性间性行为中男性的措施的公众卫生价值变得疑问重重。更有甚者, HIV 在西方的流行程度远逊非洲,支配性的亚种是 HIV B ,而非 A 、 C 和 D 这些因素对环切术的效力有着未知的影响。关于西方 HIV 和环切术的观察研究为数不多,结果也莫衷一是( PLoS Medicine , vol 4, p e223 )。 去年,美国疾病控制与预防中心( Centers for Disease Control and Prevention , CDC )对 HIV 的各个方面进行了论证,结论是没有足够理由在美国全境推广此项手术,但高危男性或可选择进行环切术。纽约市的健康管理部门也在考虑是否需要提倡环切术。 不过, HIV 还不是鼓吹者认为男孩应该进行常规性环切术的唯一原因。他们指出,大量且持续增加的证据群尽管多数尚存争议,而且没有任何一项源自随机受控实验说明,环切术能预防许多其他健康问题,这些问题从轻度泌尿系统感染到癌症林林总总,不一而足。 比方说,一些研究表明,接受过环切术的男孩罹患泌尿系统和肾脏感染的几率较低。其他研究发现未接受环切术的男人患性传播疾病的风险更高,这些疾病包括衣原体感染、生殖器疣、疱疹、淋病、梅毒和软下疳。环切术还能预防包皮过长包皮太紧,导致勃起和排尿疼痛;包皮过长也是阴茎癌的重要致病因素。环切术还能提供对于人乳头状瘤病毒( HPV )的防御能力,人乳头状瘤病毒也是阴茎癌的重要原因。一项最近的研究表明,未接受过环切术的男性罹患阴茎癌的可能性要高二十倍( Journal of the American Academy of Dermatology , vol 54, p 369 )。一些研究甚至证明,未接受过环切术的男性有着较高的性机能紊乱的比例。 总而言之,莫里斯说,每三名未接受过环切术的男性中就有一位迟早需要医疗介入,来解决通过环切术能够预防的问题。对各个年龄的人都有好处,他说。如果你没有接受过环切术,那么你就有了很大的公众卫生问题( BioEssays , vol 29, p 1147 )。也有惠及女性的健康益处。未接受过环切术的男性的女性性伙伴的子宫颈癌患病率略高,原因或许也是 HPV ,同时疱疹和衣原体感染的发生几率也较高。 好虽好,但医学权威依然不愿推广环切术。美国儿科学院( American Academy of Pediatrics )正在关注 HIV 相关的数据,但其当前的态度是,环切术的潜在益处还不足以让它成为常规手术。与此同时,英国医学联合会( British Medical Association )认为环切术的医学证据模棱两可。其他发达国家的权威也持有类似的态度。 如此谨慎态度的一大原因是手术并发症的风险。并发症多数都很轻微,例如流血、疼痛和麻醉的副作用。但并发症偶尔也会很严重:据记载有严重感染、外伤,甚至死亡的病例。并发症的原因无法枚举,这主要因为实施环切术的手术环境实在太不相同。 CDC 说,美国境内,百分之零点二到百分之二的环切术伴随有并发症,绝大多数都很轻微。 此种不确定性让环切术的相关成本和收益难以估算。举例来说,莫里斯认为对一千个男孩实施环切术就可预防一起阴茎癌,但别的研究却认为这个数字接近于三十万。 支持环切术的阵营近来风生水起,不过反对环切术的团体也有如雨后春笋,他们认为所谓的益处被过度放大,而风险则被过度低估。某些人认为对无自主能力的儿童进行环切术侵犯了他的人权。华盛顿州西雅图市,反对环切术医生会( Doctors Opposing Circumcision )的乔治 丹尼斯顿( George Denniston )说环切术是在男子身体重要部分进行的伤害性切除。 环切术支持者说,反对者的基石与其说是科学,不如说是迷信。圣迭戈加州大学( University of California )的性医学系系主任,欧文 戈德斯坦因( Irwin Goldstein )说,我觉得除了情感因素之外,根本没有证据能让人们说我们造成了伤害。 辩论牵涉到性爱时,往往变得喧闹无序,科学性上也混沌不清。据支持者说,环切术对男子性生活毫无影响,还能提升伴侣的感受。反对者的意见则彻底相反,他们说包皮是阴茎上的高度敏感部位,对于正常的性功能和行乐而言必不可少。说到这儿,科学也变得口齿不清。某些研究说接受过环切术的男性对于抚爱的感受性有所降低( BJU International , vol 99, p 864 )。不过,更多的研究,其中包括威廉 马斯特斯和维吉尼亚 约翰逊在其一九六六年经典著作《人类性反应》中所做的,认为阴茎感受性方面并无差别。近期的范例可见《性医学杂志》, vol 4, p 667 。 走出实验室,说法也一样互不相让。多数源自非科学性调查的信息倾向于证明论者成见。比方说,在一九八八年,环切术倡导者詹姆斯 巴吉尔( James Badger )说,在接受环切术前后都有过性行为的男子认为,接受之后的质量更高,而女人也认为接受过环切术的阴茎更有吸引力。可是,由环切术批评者克里斯藤 奥哈拉发现,女性压倒性地更喜欢纯天然的交媾( BJU International, vol 83, p s79 )。 性方面争论的最近一把柴由乌干达的环切术实验添加。约翰 霍普金斯大学的罗纳德 格雷( Ronald Gray )带领的小组比较了由超过两千名男性构成的两个组:一个组中的男性在两年研究期的开始做了环切手术,另外一个组中的男性则一直不做手术。当男人们被问及性欲、功能和满意度时,研究者发现并无明显差异( BJU International , vol 101, p 65 )。 我认为,我们需要更多关于环切术对阴茎感受性的影响的直接数据,印第安纳州布鲁明顿市,金赛研究院( Kinsey Institute )的埃里克 简森( Erik Janssen )说。是否能认为补充形式的性刺激更具快感?我觉得这个课题上没有做过真正好的研究;要是有人肯出资,我愿意做这个课题。 就现在而言,围绕环切术的争论还在持续升温,双方各有偏见和混淆。我们最需要的是来自随机受控实验的确切数据。科学家心胸开阔,莫里斯说。咱们十年以后再看,要是有证据说环切术并无必要,我保证欣然收手。 薇薇安 马克斯是居住于纽约的作者。 原文 见此 标签: 医学 , 翻译
个人分类: 健康|1867 次阅读|0 个评论
达尔文自传的译本分析――以序言为例
zhangjiuqing 2008-7-29 11:17
(这是一篇旧文章,曾发在网上,未发表在报刊媒体上。) 达尔文自传的译本分析――以序言为例     查尔斯?达尔文(Charles Darwin,1809~1882)是世界上著名的生物学家,他的进化理论极大地影响了一百多年来世界的科学和社会思想的发展。达尔文的自传也是名人自传中的佳作,一百多年来被译成各种文字出版发行。一个没有读过达尔文自传的人是无法了解达尔文的。   1 关于达尔文的自传   达尔文从1876年5月28日开始写作《我的思想和性格的回忆录(Recollections of the development of my mind and character)》,每天午后写一个小时左右,8月3日写完。后来在1878年和1881年,作了一些补充和修改;最后又在1881年5月1日,续写《补记》。达尔文于1882年4月19日去世。在他逝世5年后的1887年,他的儿子法朗士(Francis Darwin)删除其中一些被认为是家庭内琐事和有损达尔文死后名声的章节,以《自传》为题,把它编印在《达尔文生平及其书信集(Life and Letters of Charles Darwin)》三卷本中; 1929年,以《达尔文自传》为书名出版独立的单册。删去部分达四分之一之多,主要包括达尔文对家庭成员、朋友的评价和他的宗教观念。1957年,苏联生物学家索波里根据达尔文的《回忆录》原稿,第一次把未删的抄本译成俄文,出版单行本册。1958年,达尔文的孙女诺拉?巴洛(Nora Balow),根据另一全抄本编辑出版了《达尔文自传(The Autobiography of Charles Darwin)》,并加添重要的附录。1974年,英国动物学家加文?德贝尔(Gavin De Beer)根据诺拉的版本和詹姆土?金斯利核对原稿全本后的校订意见而修正,编辑出版《达尔文和赫胥黎自传》。   2 关于达尔文自传的中译版本   1982年之前中国出版的版本有 (1)1917年,周太玄翻译,连载在《学生杂志》第四卷第一期、第三期和第七期。(2)1935年,张孟闻翻译,北平钟山书局山版;(3)1935年,周韵铎翻译,上海世界书局出版;(4)1939午,全巨荪翻译,上海商务印书馆出版。除《自传》删改本外,还有法朗士的附录两篇;(5)1947年,苏桥翻译,上海生活书店出版。以后又在另外几个出版社再版;(6)1957年,叶笃庄和孟光裕合译《达尔文生平及书信集》(第一卷第二章 自传),北京三联书店出版。以后又在其他出版社再版。这些版本都是根据法郎士的删节本翻译的。1982年,毕黎翻译了诺拉?巴洛编辑的《达尔文自传(未删本)》,增加了若干注释和附录,以《达尔文回忆录》为名,由商务印书馆出版。这是国内最完整的、最全面的达尔文自传版本,被多次重印。1998年曾向阳也根据法郎士的删节本翻译了《达尔文自传》,由江苏文艺出版社出版。   3 不同版本的译文-以序言为例   在文章的序言部分,达尔文以非常简短的语言,清楚地交待了自己写作的缘由、意义、方式和风格。作者因德国记者之邀请而写回忆录,但他认为把它写下来留给子孙后代阅读是很有意思的。他表明自己年岁已高,心态平和,因此以死者的角度出发就不会掩饰自己的缺点,也不会特别在意文章的风格体裁。   尽管不同的版本文字略有区别,但序言的英文原文是相同的:①A German Editor having written to me for an account of the development of my mind and character with some sketch of my autobiography, I have thought that the attempt would amuse me, and might possibly interest my children or their children. ②I know that it would have interested me greatly to have read even so short and dull a sketch of the mind of my grandfather, written by himself, and what he thought and did, and how he worked. ③I have attempted to write the following account of myself, as if I were a dead man in another world looking back at my own life. Nor have I found this difficult, for life is nearly over with me. I have taken no pains about my style of writing.(带圈数字为笔者为便于分析所加,下同)   以下译文1到译文5是5本不同的中译本中对序言的翻译文本。   译文1来自周韵铎翻译的《达尔文自传》:①一位德国记者来信,约我写一篇专述我的精神与性格之发展而含有自传性质的素描文字,这一种笔墨的尝试,我颇以为不仅足以使我自己欢娱,或许还足以引起我的孩子们及他们的孩子们的兴趣,也说不定。②尝记得我的祖父在世的时候,他也会自撰过一篇素描文字,叙述自己的精神、思想、事业以及工作方法,虽略嫌短小而欠生动,然而确会引起过我很大的兴趣的。③如今,我试作如下的自传,这正与在阴间中的死人回顾其生平的情形相仿佛。这事我并不感到困难,因为我的生涯是快要终结的了。至于用笔方面,我也不费劲道的了。   译文2来自全巨荪翻译的《达尔文传》:①一个德国的编辑人,写信向我要关于我的思想和性格发展的经过,以及我生平杂记之类。我想这件事情倒很有趣味,或许连我的后代子孙也会感到有意思。②我记得我是怎样的快乐,当我读了我父亲自己写的一些随笔,虽然那些文章写得很短而晦涩,但是明白地告诉了人家关于他所想的做的和如何做的。③我满想把我自己的写出来,好像一个已经死了的人回头想到自己的生平。这件事于我并不难办到,因为生命似乎不久就要完结。我现在所写的文字,是不拘什么格式的。   译文3来自苏桥翻译的《达尔文自传》:①一位德国的编辑曾经要我写一篇关于我的思想和性格的发展经过,附带讲一点我的生平。我觉得这种工作很足以自娱,而且还可以让我的子女以及他们的子女感到兴趣的。②我知道我一定会感到极大的兴趣,如果我能够读到我的祖父的自述,叙述他的思想、他的所思所为以及他如何工作。③我现在准备把我的生平写在下面,有如我是一个已死的人回顾自己的过去。我并不觉得这是一桩困难的工作,因为我已是垂死的老人。对于我的行文的风格,我也不加注意。   译文4来自叶笃庄、孟光裕翻译的《达尔文生平及书信集》(第一卷): ①有一个德国编辑来信要我写一篇文章,叙述我的思想和性格的发展,并略微谈一谈我的生平,我曾想到这个工作对于我将是一种消遣,并且可能使我的孩子们和他们的孩子们感到兴趣。②如果我能读到我祖父自己写出的关于他的回忆、他所想的和所做的事情和他的工作方法的略记,哪怕是很短的和很不清楚的,我知道也会使我大感兴趣。③我试着把我的自述写在下面,就像我是在另一世界中的一个死去的人来回顾自己的生平。我觉得这也不难,因为我的生命几乎就要结束了。对于文章的体裁,我没有费力讲求。   译文5来自毕黎翻译的《达尔文回忆录》:①一位德国编辑来信,要我写述自己的思想和性格的发展以及生平简史;我认为,这种写作尝试,对我是一种消遣,也可能使自己的后代子孙们感到兴趣。②我想,要是自己的祖父亲手写过他的思想概要,讲述他想到些什么,做了些什么,以及他的工作怎样做法,即使写得简短而且晦涩,那么我也会津津有味地去阅读它的。③我尝试用下面的方式来写一篇自传,就是:好象使我自身处在另一个世界,却回头来把自己当做是一个亡故的人来写他的传记。我觉得,这也不算是一件难事,因为我现在已经是风烛残年,距死不远。我完全不必顾虑到它的文体优劣了。   4 对译文的比较分析   同样的一段文章,不同的版本对这段文字的翻译也不尽相同,有的甚至出入很大。下面将对此进行简单的分析。   第①句,译文1把英文中的editor译为了记者,其余译文都译为 编辑。editor英文释义为 person who prepares another persons writing for publication esp. in a newspaper or other periodical 、 person who directs writing of newspaper or news programmer,即尤指在报刊上为别人的文章出版做准备的人、指导报刊写作的主编或者新闻专栏的主笔,显然不是reporter(报纸新闻记者)或者journalist(期刊新闻记者),尽管有的记者也承担编辑的任务。很遗憾的是,这个德国编辑到底是谁,具体做什么工作,没有历史纪录。译文1中也说不定几个字也属多余。译文2和译文5对my children or their children进行了意译,为自己的后代子孙;而译文1、3、4都进行了直译,为我的孩子们和他们的孩子们。意译既简洁又不失原意,是较好的译法。   第②句,原文是一个虚拟语句,这在译文3、4、5中得到了体现。译文1译得模棱两可。译文2则完全译错了,把它当成了一个过去时,而且把grandfather 错成了父亲。在达尔文的有关传记中,我们不曾发现他的父亲或者祖父写过自传性质的文章。还有dull一词,译词各不相同,如欠生动、晦涩、 很不清楚。译文3则漏译了even so short and dull。对照上文, dull应是不生动、枯燥无味,这和第一句感到有趣相吻合。因此, even so short and dull译为即使短且无趣为好。   第③句,也以一个虚拟的假设开始,表明了作者写作的视角、方法和态度。这段文字的几个译本似乎都不能令人满意,普遍的原因是过于拘泥于原文的直译。例如,as if I were a dead man in another world looking back at my own life的译文都显得啰嗦,不如译为有如逝者回首自己的一生来得简洁。另一个著名科学家爱因斯坦在应人之邀写作自述时,也有类似的表述:我已经 67岁了,坐在这里,为的是要写点类似自己的讣告那样的东西。   5 结语   对同一段文字,不同译者的翻译各有千秋,但也存在不同的缺陷。一篇精准的译文可能需要很多人的共同努力,去粗取精,才能臻于完善。后来的译本,如能吸取前面的版本的精华,也会达到相同的效果,但这会留下抄袭他人译文的嫌疑,这是后来的译文不一定会超越原来的译文的客观原因之一。 (该文同时贴在 www.casted.org.cn/blog )
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